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Joint author of ►S'n Anrobiwdo And The New Thought In Indian 
Politico, The Origins Of The National Bdueation 
Movement, Indians Fight For Freedom, The Growth 
Of Nationalism In India, Bipin Chandra Pal 
And Indians Struggle For Swaraj, etc. 



nAlialiecl by : 

Flrma JC L. 

6/XA, Baxfccft 

First Fdition : Vovember, 1966 

Frice : JRtiipeea Fiifteen 

Frinted by : 

Bezioy Ratan Sixilia, 

Btharati Frintins Wbrlcs, 

14<1, V*iv<^caiEiai:ic& Roaa. Oalcutta-6. 


The primaty object of this book is to give a critical account 
of the role played by Rash Behari Bose and Jyotindia (generally 
known as Jatindra) Nath Mukherjee in the revolutionary move- 
ment in India. Both of them are justly regarded today as the 
two most outstanding leaders thrown' up "by the revolutionary 
movement in Bengal during its first phase ini the 'first quarter 
of this century. Though the career of the second was cut short 
by his glorious death in a free fight with the British on the 
bttnk of the Buri-Balam, the other lived long enough (though 
outside India) to carry on his life's mission almost to a success- 
ful end. 

In spite'* of the attempts in some quarters to minimise the 
role of the revolutionaries in the history of freedom movement 
in India, their countrymen are now becoming gradually conscious 
of the deep debt of gratitude they owe to these heroes for the 
achievement of Indian independence. This book is sure to 
contribute to the growth of this feeling by delineating, in a 
critical manner and with the help of a vast mass of fredi 
materials not hitherto available, the wonderful capacity for 
organisation and work of these two eminent revoluticjiary 
leaders who dedicated their lives to the liberation of their 
country. Written in a pleasant and lucid style, the book through- 
out maintains a thoroughly dispassionate and critical attitude. 

The value of the book is greatly enhanced by a critical 
review, in broad outline, of the revolutionary movement for 
freedom of India in the twentieth century. 

The writer is well-known for her valuable contributions on 
aHied subject in numerous publications, and I have no doubt 
that the present work will not only sustmn her reputation but 
enhance it in a great measure. I commend the book to evet3rone 
who cares to take any interest in the true history of the attain- 
ment of India’s freedom. 


8 . 11.66 

R. C. Majumdar 


The book has grown out of my studies and investigations- 
it to what is known as India’s Revolutionaiy Movement under- 
taken about two years ago with the award of a Senior Research 
Fellowship offered by the Universities Grants Commission of 

It is, in the main, based on original sources anid records, 
both official and non-official. Printed and MSS. So far as 
official sources are concerned, the Intelligence Branch Records 
of the Govemment of West Bengal and the Home (Political) 
Proceedings of the Government of India preserved in the 
National Archives have been substantially ransacked for the 
purpose. As regards non-official sources the private letters and 
writings of the former revolut'onarics, iKrth Printed and MSS, 
and the contemporary Indian newspapers and pcriod'cals have 
been largely utilised for the work. On many a controversial 
issue, truth has been elicited both by correspondence and personal 
contact with a large number of former revolutionaries who are 
able to speak from direct knowledge about particular incidents 
in the larger revolutionary movement of the country. Instead 
of indicating the sources separately at the end of the book, refer- 
ences to them have been made in the foot-notes on each page 
at the appropriate point. Reader’s convenience is the chief argu- 
ment for this method. 

In the preparation of the work I have received encourage- 
ment and help from a large number of scholars and patriots, 
both of this province and outside, to all of whom my sincere 
gratitude is due. In this connect'oni special mention must, how- 
ever, be made of the facilities of work given to me by Dr. P. C. 
Chakravarty, Head of the Department of International Relations,. 
Jadavpur University, and by Dr. Triguna Sen, the former Vice- 
Chancellor of the Jadavpur University. I am also much indebted 
tc* Dr. Tara Chand, the eminent historian, for kindly granting 
me access to some of the rare and confidential files now in his- 
custody, bearing on the subject of my research. To Dr. R. C. 



Majumdar I owe some special obligation not onliy for the valuable 
Foreword he has kindly written but also for the help I received 
from his History^ Of The Fmidom )Mpvemmt In India in connec- 
tion with my research. 

Finally, I must acknowledge my indebtedness to Smt. Chitra- 
Irkha Bhattacharya, M.A., Lecturer in History at the S. S. Jalan 
Girls* College,, Calcutta, for the labour of love she has under- 
taken to prepare the Index. 


12 1 5, Fern Road, 

Calcutta- 19. 



Foreword by Dr. R. C. Majumdar ... iii: 

Acknowledgements ... ... ... v-vi 

Introduction ... ... ... l-S* 


India's Revolutionary Movement .... ... 9 - 96 * 

(i) Genesis of the Secret Society in Bengal 

(ii) The Anusilan Samiti of Calcutta 

(iii) Jugmtar as a Revolutionary Organ 

(iv) The Manicktola Garden House 

(v) The Dacca Anusilan Samiti 

(vi) Its Organization and its Activities 

(vii) Chandemagore as a Centre of Revolutionary 

(viii) The Theft of Rodda's Arms 

(ix) Nasik as a Centre of Conspiracy 

(x) Indian Revolutionary Activities in the U.S.A. 

(xi) Hardyal and the Ghadr Movement 

(xii) Indian Revolutionary Work in Euroi^ 

(xiii) Formation of the Berlm^-India Committee 

(xiv) Its Work in America 

(xv) The Bagdad Mission in the Middle East 

(xvi) The Suez Canal Mission 
(xvii) The Persian Mission 
(xviii) The Kabul Mission 

(xix) Operation m the Far East 

(xx) The Singapore Mutiny 


Rash Behari Bose As a Revolutionary ... 97 - 162 : 

(i) Boyhood and Early Education) 

(ii) Rash Behari in Dehra Dun 

(iii) Contact with J. M. Chatterjee 

(iv) Initiation in the Cult of Atma-Samarpan 

(v) Rash Behari and the Hardinge Bomb Plot 

(vi) The Lahore Bomb Outrage 

(vii) Nature of the Delhi-Lahore Bombs 
(viii) 'Libert/ as Rash Behari's Organ 

(ix) Rash Behari on Long Leave 

(x) Sachindra Nath Sanyal and the Bengal 



(xi) Bengal Revolutionaries on Touring Mission 

(xii) Rash Behari’s Letter to his Father 
(xiii) Rash Behari in Benares 

(xiv) Pingley’s Contact with Rash Behari 

(xv) Pingley in Punjab 

(xvi) Rash Behari and the Bengal Revolutionaries 
(xvii) Attempted Revolution by Rash Behari 
(xviu) Failure of the Pingley Mission at Meerut 

(xix) Rash Behari ’s Rethinking on the Indian Situation 

(xx) Rash Behari’s Flight from India 

(xxi) Miraculous Escapes of Rash Behari 
(xxii) The Early Years of Rash Behari in Japan 
(xxin) The I. I, L. and the I. N. A. 

(xxiv) Rash Behari and Subhas Bose 


Jyotindra Nath Mukherj^^ And Th^ Jugantar 
R^voilutionariks ... ... ... 163-224 

(i) Early Life and Education 

(ii) In Service 

(iii) Early Political Work 

(iv) Murder of Samsul Alum 

(v) The Organizational Work 

(vi) The Floi^ Havoc of 1913 
(yii) Attempts at Amalgamation 

(viii) Preparation for the Second Revolution 

(ix) Funds for the Rising 

(x) Flow of German Purse to India 

(xi) The Miwerick Episode 

(xii) Preparation for the Rising 
(xiii) Balasore Fight 

(xiv) Funds for the Abscx)nders 

(xv) Activities of the. Abscond ’.rs 

APPENDICES ... ... ... ... 225-243 

INDEX ... ... ... ... 245-251 



The monographs presented in these pages do not seek to 
offer a detailed history of the multi-facet revolutionary move- 
ment of India nor do they cover in their sweep the activities of 
all the important revolutionary leaders representing different 
groups and parties* The work confines itself to a study of the 
political life of two of the greatest revolutionaries of India — Rash 
Behari Bose and Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee — the organization 
of their parties, their ideas and ideologies as well as theiit 
modus operandi in India's revolutionary movement which, in a 
sense, constitutes the most daring aspect of the national struggle 
for Independence. 

After the suppression of the Manicktola conspiracy as well 
as the arrest or deportation of many of the prominent leaders, 
ithe first phase of the revolutionary movement in India may be 
said to have come to an end. A hush had then fallen upon the 
country. The Anusilan Samiti was suppressed and many other 
samitis with political complexion were also declared unlawful. 
This, however, did not mean that the revolutionary spirit was 
stamped out from the country. It had already struck its roots 
deep into the consciousness of the younger generation. The 
work of the older group was the preparation of the mind of 
the people for revolutionary ideals and methods ; the work of the 
new group concerned itself mostly with the execution of the 
plot. Both Rash Behari Bose and Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee 
represented the second phase of the revolutionary movement and 
they gave more realistic orientations to Indian politics. They 
believed that a nation's liberty could not be achieved merely by 
political dacoities nor by the murder of a few agents of the 
alien bureaucracy. They stood for a bolder and more compre- 
hensive scheme of political action or armed rising against the 
British Indian Empire, first, by securing the support of the 
Indian army and, secondly, by enlisting the military-cum-finiancial 



assistance of some firs»t class Powers, particularly those inimical 
to England at that moment. England’s involvement in the World 
War I and the consequent distraction of her resources came as 
a veritable god-send to the revolutionaries who eagerly seized the 
opportunity of effecting in India an armed revolution for her 
emancipation from imperial thrall They took every possible 
step to win over the army and forge links wi'tih the interna- 
tional forces. Although their dream did not materialise at that 
very moment, rather it was a frustration — yet, they left behind 
them a glorious tradition of revolutionary action which had its 
culmination in the organization of the Azad Hind Fauj in East 
Asia during the World War II. Jyotindra Nath died in 1915 
and Rash Behari in 1945. Neither of them lived long enough 
to see the political emanciiiation of India which, how^ever, owes 
a very good deal to their self-denying spirit and action. It is 
a pity that even these greatest patriots of history have been denied 
due recognition by the generation now reaping the fruits of 
their toil, suffering and sacrifice. 


Since the achievement of Independence by India in 1947 a 
number of idolas has grown up in the country and has found 
v.'ide currency due to the persistent propaganda of a section of 
politicians One of these idolas is the idea that the political con- 
summation of India of August, 1947 was chiefly the handiwork 
of the Indian National Congress and that it was an inevitable 
outcome of its strenuous moral and constitutional fight with the 
British rulers. Closely linked up with this is another 
myth that the revolutionary movement of India was after all 
foam and fury, signifying little beyond the wastage of some 
valuable property and the destruction of many precious human 
lives. In any case, the role of the revolutionaries in the achieve- 
ment of India’s Independence is still today much too minimised, 
the official apologists claiming that the crown of martyrdom to 
the cause of Freedom j'ightfully belongs to the Congress. This 
view of Indian hi«iLory is after all a delusion which instead of 
"being dissipated with time is gaining ground in post-Independence 
IMjriod, producing a good deal of muddle in our political thinking 



not merely with regard ta the past but also in respect of the 
present and the future. One who has the opportunity of exami- 
ning the Intelligence Branch Records of the Government of old 
Bengal and the Home (Political) Proceedings of the Government 
of India, particularly -those relating to the most crucial stages of 
our struggle, will find it .difficult to accept the current notion 
about the history of India’s Freedom Movement. 

Whatever the doctrinaires might' say, one undeniable teach- 
ing of history is that all political stntggles are by their very 
nature trials of strength and that its success depends, in the 
main, not on the logicality of the case but on the application of 
force, armed or otherwise, — on the amount of pressure brought 
to bear upon tfie powers that be. In a democratic country cons- 
titutional agitation is, no doubt, a potent instrument of public 
pressure, but there also the main issues at dispute ultimately 
depend for their solution not on the moral persmasioii but on 
the capacity of Ihe dissatisfied fjeople to hit back the Government 
if their grievances long remain unredressecl. History teaches 
that even peaceful or constitutional agitation may wrest some 
beneficial reforms from the rulers only if it is accompanied by 
a show of force or element of violence in the background. 
Physical force need not necessarily be applied in eveiy instance, 
but it must lie ready to be applied if the occasion so demands* 
It is common experience that in the big international confe- 
rences of peace the tone or the voice of a Stale representative 
is generall)' determined by the striking cai)acity that that parti- 
cular State hns already accumulated at home. Tt is characteris- 
tic of ix)wer not to voluntarily surrender any of its fortified 
privileges -except under pressure and without ihe context of 
dreadful possibilities of popular revolt and rising. Even in 
England, the stipfwsed land of peaceful constitutional progress, 
every stage of Freedom’s expmision from the Magna Carta 
(1215) to the Bill of Rights (1689) was accompanied by either 
actual violence or potential threat of it. Tt is a romimtic con- 
ception of history to regard the course of English constitutional 
progress as a smooth sailing. The freedom movement of a 
subject people which has got to throw off the foreign tentacle, 
has far less chance of success by moral and peaceful methods. 
-Such a fulfilment in history is not given to human destiny. 



III . 

The British bureaucracy in India like its ancient or modem 
prototype ever 3 nvhere on earth, could not rise superior to the 
oommon human frailties. Once entrenched in power, they clung 
tenaciously 'to it and refused to len^d their ears to the voice of 
reason unless and until the situation became surcharged with the 
spirit of rebellious fury, violence and terror. They saw reason 
in things only when the blood of their brethren) came to be shed 
by the revolutionaries. What really caused consternation in the 
min^d of the alien bureaucracy in those days was not so much 
the constitutional agitation led by the Indian National Congress 
as the policy of violence and terror adumbrated by the leaders 
of the physical force movement. Even the Congress agitation 
ty constitutional methods came to be feared and respected by 
the alien Government only when it showed awful signs of 
disorderly turbulence or tended to develop into a gigantic 
physical force movement, as in 1942. In 1947, the British rulers 
ultimately parted with power from India not so much because 
of the persuasive logic of the Congress agitation as because 
of the pressure of the surging revolutionary forces stemming 
out of the World War II. The grim memories of the I. N. A,*s 
brdtles in the Iinphal-Kohima sector against the British Empire 
began to weigh heavily since then upon the mind of the British 
imperialists like a veritable nightmare. 


The growth of Extremism in Indian politics and the 
cult of revolution in the country since 1906, aiming at Puma 
Swaraj or complete fndepenjdence for India through passive or 
active resistance, gave a new dimension to India’s struggle for 
Freedom- The new generation of politicians headed by Bal 
Gangadliar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, Lajpat Rai ,an.d Aurobindo 
Ghose rejected as fantastic the old mendicant politics of the 
Congress wnich sought to secure qualified freedom for India 
by methqds of peaceful and constitutional agitation. Believing 
in the policy of purification by blood and sacrifice, the revolu- 
tionaries or the so-called anarchists went a step further and 



lai4 a widespread network of secret sodeties advocating the 
policy of triumph through terror. As the physical force move- 
ment leading to acts of violence against the bureaucracy expanded 
and grew in strength, the British Government launched a 
counter campaign of repression and hurried through the Imperial 
Legislature measures of considerable potency to kill the spirit 
of insurgent nationalism in the lan^d. As part of a larger policy 
conciliatory measures were also resorted to to rally the Moderates 
to the cause of the Crown. The basis of this new repression- 
a:m-conciliation. policy of British Imperialism vras well laid in 
the famous Arbroath speech of Mr. John Morley (October 21, 

1907), then Secretary of State for India. Morley said: we 

shall not be deterred from pursuing to the end, a policy of 
fijmness on the one han|d, and of liberal and steady reform on 
the other”. The bureaucratic repression that rained down upon 
the revolutionaries since 1907 drove the movement underground 
but instead of killing it kindled the spirit of revolutionary fire 
all the brighter. Even after the promulgation, of the severest 
repressive measures, secret acts of conspiracy and violence 
continued unabated and kept the bureaucracy in constant terror. 
As Bengal was the main bulwark of revolutionary conspiracy 
in India during 1908-1918 the following statement of the 
DJ.G., Bengal, dated January 28, 1915, on the political situation 
of 1914 is worth careful consijderation : 

'‘The continued occurrence of these crimes proves conclu- 
sively that the forces of revolution have in no way relaxed their 
activity and, as will be shown later on, in spite of excellent 
checks administered and notwithstanding the capture during the 
year of several of the more dangerous members, who were 
absconding for long periods, this extremely well organised move- 
ment defies all our efforts at repression and is considerably more 
virile and troublesome at the beginning of 1915 than it has been 
in the past”. 

Apart from an increasing number of political dacoities an(d 
assassinations of informers as well as Government officers, the 
two attempted revolutions in the country with the connivance 
of the British Indian a.rmy and with foreign financial assistance 
organized respectively by Rash Behari Bose and Jyotindra Nath 
Mukherjee (February, 1915 and June-Jtdy, 1915), followed by 
free fights between the revolutionaries, on the one hand, and the 



agents of the British bureaucracy, on the other, at Balasore 
(September, 1915), at Salkia (August, 1916), at Gauhati 
(January, 1918) and at Dacca (June, 1918) very much unnerved 
the Government. The activities of the Indian revolutionaries 
from outside India in collaboration with international forces — 
the Ghadr conspiracy in the U. S- A. and the plot of the Berlin- 
India Committee in Germany — ^trying to knock at the eastern 
and western gates of India respectively deepened the crisis for 
the British Empire, and their representatives had once again to 
take recourse to a policy of conciliation alongside with sterner 
measures of repression. As the Morley-Minto Refonns (May, 
1909) and the Repedl of the Bengal Partition (December, 1911) 
seemed too inadequale in the changed political conditions, a new 
deal of concessions in the shape of Montagu — Chelmsford 
Reforms ( 1919) had to be administered by the rulers for 
facilitating the transformation of a ‘‘representative'* govenimciit 
into a “responsible*’ one. Side by side with the passage of 
Defence of India Rules and the Rowlatt Bills and the perpetra- 
tion of the horrors at Jallianwallabagh, conciliatory policy was 
also adoptejd, not merely by introducing new constitutional 
reforms but by declaring the Amnesty both for the underground 
revolutionaries and for the political prisoners already condemned 
to life or long-tcrni imprisonment. For a time the challenging 
crisis to the British Indian Empire was averted by the rulers. 


The advent of Mahatma Gandhi on the Indian political 
scene and the inauguration of the Non-Co-operation Movement 
in 1920 was a landmark in the history of India’s hVeedom Move- 
ment. The whole country^ under his magic influence caught the 
noble contagion of nationalism anjd “the ideas of 1905” found 
through him greater fruition. But the credit for all this must 
not go to Gandhiji alone. The impact of the World War I 
together wi;h that of the Indian revolutionary actmties on the 
head and heart of India was to a very large extent responsible 
for the promotion of a new political consciousness in the country. 
Gandhiji exploited the situation according to his idea ^d plan 
and converted the existing Congress into a powerful fighting 



organization. The role of the revolutionaries in this silent 
liansformation was at least as great as that of the constitutiona- 
lists of the Congress. At the call of Gandhiji even a large 
number of old revolutionaries also assembled under the Congress 
banner and lent strength to it in fliverse capacities. 

But with all this, the activities of the revolutionaries with 
their acts of violence and terror did not cease. In darkness 
and obscurity the revolutionary forces were gathering strength 
behind the -eyes of the bureaucracy. An explosion of their fury 
as manifest in the Chittagong Armoury Raid Icjd by Suiya Sen 
and others in April, 1930 shook the British Government in India 
to its foundations* For three days the revolutionaries held the 
town imd^r their control and the vestiges of British rule were 
completely wipejd out from its face. The murder of a number 
of high-ranking British officials including three District Magis- 
trates of Midnaporc and one of Comilla during the same period 
(1930-35) struck terror into the mind of the Government which 
in pursuance of its old reprcssion-cum-conciliation policy granted 
a further dose of Provincial Autonomy in 1935. 


The fourth and final act in the drama was enacted during 
the years 1942-1947. Whatever the Congress apologists might 
argue, the national movement of August 1942 was far from being 
a peaceful and constitutional agitation confinejd to the limits of 
law. The Quit India Movement as it was termed virtually deve- 
l(jped in no time into a mighty rex'^olutionaiy movement producing 
violence, bloodshed and terror. This took place at a time when 
the British military power was at its lowest ebb and the Indian 
National Army headed by Rash Behari Bose was enjoying the 
confidence of Japan, then the dea|dliest enemy of the British 
Empire in the East. This was followed by an firmed invasion 
of the British Indian Empire from the east by the Azad Hind 
Fauj led by Netaji who fought 'batlles of India’s freedom in 
the Imphal-Kohima sector in 1944. Although the armed attack 
was ultimately repelled by the British, yet the memories of the 
heroic fight put up by the Indian National Army soon became 
3 permanent possession with Indians. They soon became 


embedcted in popular consciousness as a potent animating force. 
On the occasion of the historic I. N. A. trial in the Rejd Fort 
of Delhi the whole subcontinent 'became the scene of a mighty 
moral and emotional revolution. The Congress veterans who 
had described the Netaji during the war period as an enemy of 
the country were swept off their feet by the new tidal waves 
of nationalism rushing over India at the enjd of the war. The 
glorioles tradition created by Netaji and the I. N. A. soldiers 
electrified the whole sub-continent with unprecedented enthusiasm, 
not even excluding the Congress which was mow possessed by the 
new spirit of nationalism. The dry bones of Hindusthan once 
again became instinct with life. The alien rulers clearly perceived 
that the day of their reckoning was fast approaching, and this 
perception was quickened by the unprecedented sight of the 
outbreak of the mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy in 1946. 
The British statesmen with their keen sense of realism could see 
the handwriting on the wall, for it was being written in blood. 
Finally, in August 1947, they retired from the Indian scene 
apparently gracefully, but really under the threat of fearful and 
terrible consequences of a bloody revolution which they were 
wisely enough unwilling to face in the future interests of the 
British nation. 

Chapter One 



Towards the end of the nineteenth century when 
the leaders of the Indian National Congress such as 
Pherozshah Mehta and Mahadev Govind Ranade were 
conducting the nationalist movement in India along 
legal and constitutional lines pinning much reliance on 
the native generosity and liberal professions of Britain, 
a minority of ardent Indian patriots headed by Bal 
Gangadhar Tilak were preparing the mind of the 
people for an acute struggle with the alien Govern- 
ment. The latter believed not in the efficacy of a 
wordy battle with the bureaucracy but in action and 
evlxeme sacrifice for the country. If the credit for 
the promulgation of Boycott or Passive Resistance as 
a weapon of India’s Ereedom Movement belongs to 
Bengal, Maharashtra deserves to be congratulated on 
being the pioneer of the physical force movement for 
attaining India’s Indepen(lencc. It. is from Maharash- 
tra that the new impulse was brought to Bengal by 
Aurobindo Ghose and Jatindra Nath Banerjee at the 
beginning of the present century. 

Aurobindo Ghose destined to play a foremost role 
in India’s Freedom Movement was mentally and 
spiritually more allied to the temper of Tilak than to 
that of any other Indian leader of the time. In his 
serial articles on “New Lamps For Old” written 
•shortly after his return from Cambridge in 1893, he 
•gave a clear and powerful expression to his early 



political thought. It was a vigorous attack on the then 
unnajtional Indian Congress about which he observed 
“that its aims are mistaken, that the spirit in which it 
proceeds towards their accomplishment is not a spirit of 
sincerity and whole-heartedness, and that the methods 
it has chosen are not the right methods, and the leaders 
iu whom it trusts, not the right sort of men to be 
leaders; — in brief, that we are at present the blind led, 
if not by the blind, at any rate by the one-eyed”.^ His 
main complaint against the then Congress was that it 
aimed at an “isolated predominance” of one class of 
people — '(he middle class of India, leavjng the vast 
proletarian mass entirely off the board. “Yet the 
proletariat,” he obsei'ved, “is the real key of the 
situation. Torpid he is and immobile ; he is nothing of 
an actual force, but he is a very great potential force, 
and whoever succeeds in understanding and eliciting- 
his strength, becomes by the very fact master of the 
future”.^ In the field of practical work, he found the 
record of the Congress to be a very poor show, its 
activities being confined merely to the passage of a 
few pious resolutions annually at its sessions. He also 
rejected the petitioning policy of the Congress and 
clearly suggested that it is not by prayer and petition 
but by “purification by blood and fire” that a nation’s 
liberty could be achieved. He asked his countrymen 
not to adopt England as their political exemplar, but 
France which “blotted out in five terrible years the 
accumulated oppression of thirteen centuries”. It was 
in this mental background that Aurobindo, while living 
in Baroda, came into touch with one Thakur Sahib 
who initiated him into the secret society in Maha- 
rashtra.® At the Ahmedabad Congress he had also an 

1. Haridas Mukherjee dXhd Uma Mukherj€e: Sri Aurobindo' s Polkkoi' 

Thought (Calcutta, 1956, p. 75). 

2. Ibid p. 120. 

3. About Thakur Sahib referred to above Sri Aurobondo states thait 

he was a noble of the Udaopur State with the title of Thakur.. 



.exchange of views with Tilak whom he considered to ' 
be “*l'he one possible leader for a revolutionary party”. 
Thanks to Tilak, already a party of action had grown 
up in Maharashtra and secret societies were flourish- 
ing there. The murder of Mr. Rand, the Plague 
Commissioner, and Lieut Ayersit by the Chopekar 
brothers in Poona (1897) set the first example of 
political murder, and it has been ascertained later that 
both the Chopekar brothers and their club were 
inspired by Tilak’s ideas and meihods. The Marathas 
were thus the pioneers in the field of secret societies 
and in spreading revolutionary doctrines all over 
India for the overthrow of British power 

Both official and unofficial sources reveal that 
Aurobindo Chose even before he plunged himself 
direc'lly into Bengal politics tried to influence the 
political life of Bengal from his distant base at 
Baroda. About the year 1901 he had sent from- 
Baroda Jatindra Nath Banerjee, a soldier in the 
Gaikwar’s army, to organize secret societies and 
preach the cause of freedom in Bengal.® This was 
followed by the despatch from Baroda of Barindra 
Kumar Chose, Aurobindo’s younger brother, on the 
same political mission (1902). Jatindra Nath on his 
arrival in Calcutta founded an akkra or gymnasium at 
Upper Circular Road with the ostensible object of 
imparting physical training to the young men including 

“The Thakur was not a member of the Coundl in Bombay; he 
stood above it as the leader of the whole ^lovement while the 
Council helped him to organi 2 e Maharashtra and the Mahratta 
States. He himsdf worked principally upon the Indian Army of 
which he had already won over two or three regiments. Sri 
Aurchiindo took a special journey into Central India to meet and 
speak with Indian sub-ofiSoErs and men of one of these regiments.”' 
Vide Sri A^^hindo On Himself And On The M<dher (Pondicherry, 
1953, pp. 28-29>. 

4. Note On The Gromth Of The RevokUiowary Movement In Ben&a 

(L. No. 47) as pFeserved in the 1. B. Deptl, Govt, of West Bengal: 

5. An Account Of The. Remketmpary Orgaimations In Bengai Other 
Tkckt Tm Dm» AmeUm Smiti (L. Na 54) preserved in thr 
/. B. OJfef, Covt. of West Bengid. 


})oxing, wrestling, riding, swimming etc., but the under- 
lying motive being the organization of a secret society 
within this innocent outer shell. Barin Ghose on his 
•coming to Bengal joined hands with Jatin Banerjee 
who had found in Abinash Chandra Bhattacharya of 
Arabalia (24 Parganas) another enthusiastic worker.® 
While Abinash Chandra Bhattacharya looked after the 
financial aspects of the society such as the collection of 
subscriptions etc., Barin Ghose took upon himself the 
work of propaganda by extensive tours all over Bengal. 
His efforts bore fruit in the foundation of various 
■akhrcks and samitis, particularly in Cuttack, Bankura, 
Ranchi, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Mymensingh, Dacca, 
Krishnagore and Basirhat. The root idea behind these 
formations was “to stir up young people to take part 
in revolutionary work and to free the country from 
foreign yoke”.'' 

It has been recorded by Aurobindo Ghose that 
shortly after ithe foundation of Jatin Banerjee’s akhra 
in Calcutta, the former tried to unify the revolutionary 
forces in Bengal under the leadership of Barrister 
Pramatha Nath Milter. An executive committee was 
soon formed consisting of P. Mitter as President, 
C. R. Das and Aurobindo Ghose as Vice-Presidents 
and Surendra Nath Tagore as Treasurer. Facts on 
record do not show that Sister Nivedita actually joined 
this executive committee.® Jatin Banerjee’s society 
came to be patronized and financed not only by the 

6. The statement of Abinash Chancilra Bhattacharya on the history 
of the initial phase of the revolutionary society as incorporated in 
the Appendices to Bhupendra Nath Datta’s Bharater Dwitiya 
SwadhinatoT Itihas (iChlcuttai, 3rd edn., 1W9). 

7. The statement of Barindra Kumar Ghose befone the Deputy Supdt. 
of Police, Benjiral, on May 3; 1908. 

'S. Vide the article written jointly by Uma Mukherjee and Haridas 
Mulcherjee on Sister Nivedita And The Revolutionarv Movement 
In Bengal published in Sunday Jugantar on October 15, 1961. Also 
see in this connection J^iya Andokme Satis Chandra Mukherjee 
(Calcutta, 1960^ pp. 12^146) by the same authors. 


above-mentioned figures but also by Gaganendra Nath 
Tagore, Abinash Chandra Chakravarty, Surya Kanta 
Acharya Choudhury, Jogendra Chandra Vidyabhusan, 
Subodh Chandra Mallick, Sakharam Ganesh Deuskar 
and others. Aurobindo Ghose in particular regularly 
sent a large sum of money for the maintenance of the 
society from the very beginning. Jatin Banerjee made 
provisions in his society for teaching manly physical 
exercises to the general body of its members, while 
political knowledge regarding revolutionary movements 
in various countries was also disseminated to a select 
few of dependable character.® 

In spite of this hopeful beginning the first secret 
society of Bengal as founded by Jatin Banerjee died a 
premature death mainly due to the conflict that arose 
between Jaitin Banerjee, on the one hand, and Barin 
Ghose, on the other. After doing some preliminary 
political work in Bengal up to the middle of 1903 Barin 
returned to Aurobindo Ghose, his elder brother, in 
Baroda. Shortly afterwards Jatin Banerjee also, in 
view of his differences with other members, left the 
society in -disgust and disappointment at the failure of 
his mission. Thus the society virtually collapsed. 

In 1904 Barin Ghose again came back to Calcutta 
to resume his work and push vigorously the cause of 
secret societies in Bengal. His immediate object was 
to form around him a band of self-sacrificing young 
men who would devote themselves whole-heartedly to 
the work of the country’s liberation even by a resort to 
physical force. He toured through many’ districts of 
Bengal, opening akkras or samitis in various places 
and infusing a new spirit into the people, Abinash 
Chandra Bhattacharya, Debabrata Bose and Bhupendra 
Nath Datta became his closest associates and comrades 
and formed the inner ring of a bigger circle, Aurobindo 

9. Abinash Chandra Bhattaichiarya’s statement included in B. N.. 

Datta's book. 



Ghose also came to Bengal once or twice in 1904 follow- 
ing the break-up of Jalin Banerjee’s akhra and tried in 
vain to effect a union between Jatin Banerjee and Barin 
Ghose. For some time he was then putting up at Grey 
Street jointly with Barin Ghose, Jatin Banerjee and 
Abinash Bha'ttacharya who were later joined there by' 
two Maratha young men too. It was from this place 
that Aurobindo wrote out an anonymous leaflet under 
the caption “No Compromise” which vigorously 
advocated the ideal of no compromise with the British 
bureaucracy unless and until the Indian soil was free.*® 
The next important work of Aurobindo Ghose was 
the publication of another anonymous leaflet entitled 
Bhawani Mandir towards the end of 1905 sketching 
the ideals and methods of revolutionary work. The 
Intelligence Branch Records repeatedly affirm that 
Aurobindo was prudent enough to perceive that the 
only hope of success of a national movement was to 
spread the doctrine of discontent against England and 
to unite the people of all provinces in one feeling of 
hostility towards foreign rule. He also realized that 
“the surest and the safest ground to proceed on would 
be religion. He first conceived the idea of training 
missionaries to be sent as sannyasis to all parts of India 
to preach the new religion — the worship of Mother- 
land”.** The contents of BImwani Matufir were 
i:othing but revolutionary doctrines preached under 
religious garb.** Thus Aurobindo Ghose played a most 
formative role in the genesis of secret societies in 


Parallel to these activities of Aurobindo- Jatin- 
Barin group, another momentous developmen't was 

10. Ibid. 

11. Note On The Growth Of The Revolutionary MovemmV In Bengal 

12. Sri Aurobindo And Thi New Thought In Indian Politics, pp. XXIV- 


taking place during Ihis period, and that was the founda- 
tion of the Anusilan Samiti in Calcutta. Brought into 
being as a club of physical exercises in March, 1902 by 
■Satis Chandra Bose, it was shifted in 1905 to 49 Corn- 
wallis Street, Calcutta. For some time Jatin .Banerjee’s 
■akhm and Satis Bose’s akhra functioned simultaneously 
under the patronage of Barrister P. Mitter. Satis 
Bose records in a written statement^®* that on P. 
Mitter’s initiative and direction the two societies were 
amalgamated, giving rise to a bigger organization under 
the presidentship of P. Mitter. P. Mitter was a staunch 
nationalist and strove hard to inspire the Bengali 
youths with ideals of physical prowess and bravery. 
Secret revolutionary plottings and resort to violent 
methods for political purposes were not, however, much 
to his liking. 

With the outbreak of the Swadeshi Movement in 
1905 which stirred the country to its inmost depths, the 
activities of the Anusilan Samiti began to develop 
lapidly, drawing new recruits and spreading out its 
branches in Ihe mofussil — at Hooghly, Belghoria, 
Panihati, Nataghar, Ghola, Fuleswar, Harinavi, and 
Alka (Khulna cli.strict). In Calcutta iis branches were 
opened also at Garpar Road, Parsee Bagan, Behala, 
Tala, Chetla and Pataldanga.^^ At first they were all 
physical and moral culture centres but gradually they 
began to acquire a poli'ical complexion. At the end 
of the year 1905 the Dacca Anusilan Samiti was 
founded with Pulin Das as Secretary and P. Mitter as 
President, and it was affiliated to the pareilt organiza- 
tion in Calcutla with Satis as Secretary. About 
the objeds and activities of the Anusilan Samiti the 

13. The statement of Satis Chandra Bose on the ori?dn of the Anusilan 
Samiti as incorpoirated in the Appendices to B. N. Datta’s Bkamter 
Dwitiyu Swisdlincd^r Itihas. 

Also see Anusilan Samitir Sankskipta Itihas by Jibantara 
Haidar (1966 3rd edn.) 

14. Intelligence Branch Records of the Goivt. of West Bengal. F. N. 
IV/209 of 1908. 



following account has been furnished by Mr. J. E- 
Armstrong, Supdt. of Police, which is in general agree- 
ment with the information derived from other sources : 

“The ostensible objects of the Samiti”, writes Mr, 
Armstrong, “were declared to be ‘the physical, moral 
and mental development of its members, boys and 
young men of the country, and to infuse a feeling of 
amity, fraternity and mutual sympathy among the 
people’, and as in the Dacca Samiti so here, philan- 
thropy was made a special object and members were 
sent out to beg for rice (inusti-bhiksha) and distribute 
it to the poor, nurse the sick, volunteer . their services 
at festivals and so forth. But physical culture and 
lathi-play were by far the most important business and 
'the activities of the Calcutta Anusilan in this respect 
were by no means confined to Calcutta but extended to 
various districts of West and East Bengal. Bands of 
young men went about the country giving displays of 
sword and lathi-exercise, engaging in friendly rivalry 
with the boys of the places visited and founding 
branches, very much in the manner of the Dacca 

A secret Police Report submitted in 1909 to the 
Chief Secretary to the Government of Bengal, states: 

“The Anusilan Samiti was first heard of by the 
Bengal Special Branch in October 1905. . . One of the 
original vows of the Society was that when any Indian 
woman was offended by any European in the presence 
of a member of the Samiti, that member would be 
obliged to take revenge even at the cost of his own life”. 
The same report goes on to state further that there 
was a secret circle within the Samiti, to which only 
Graduates and First Arts students were admitted. 
“Two to six students were to be taken from each college, 
their antecedents w'ere verified and they were put to 

15. Mr. Armstronig's Introductory Note to the History Of Tike Dacca 
AmstUtn Sofniti, dated April 25, 1917. 



a period of probation on the expiry of which they went 
through an initiation ceremony taking their oath lying 
flat on a human skeleton with a revolver in one hand 
and a Gita in the other ... It is probable those initiated 
into the inner circle separated themselves from the more 
public body and formed one of the societies from which 
the anarchists have sprung”.^* 

Following the Anti-Partition agitation of 1905 the 
activities of the Calcutta Anusilan Samiti grew by 
leaps and bounds and the society become a most 
important recruiting agency of Bengali youths for 
secret work. The outward activities of the Samiti 
ceased from September, 1909 when it was declared 
illegal, but its inner spirit continued to influence the 
Bengali youths for more daring acts. After its formal 
dissolution, many of its members gradually clustered 
round the personality of Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee, 
a born leader and organizer. 

Jugmtar as a revolutionary organ , 

There is still today a misconception among 
writers and scholars as to the relation of the Jugantar 
band of revolutionary workers of that period with the 
Anusilan Samiti. It is a gross mistake to conceive of 
the two groups of workers, ordinarily labelled as 
Anusilan and Jugantar, as representing two distinct 
political parties of a revolutionary character. Dr. 
Bhupendra Nath Datta who was the first editor of the 
Jugndtiar weekly (organ of the revolutionary party) 
has repeatedly stated both verbally and in writing that 
during 1905-1906 there was only one central revolu- 
tionary organization in Bengal with its local branches 
in various places under the general presidentship of 
P. Mitter. With the expansion in the size and activity 

16. F. N. IV/209 of 1900 in the I. B. Records of the Govt, of West 



cf the revolutionary organization a differentiation of 
functions, inevitable in the course of evolution, began, 
to take place. While the larger body remained content 
with physical culture together with doses of political 
thought, a small band of workers belonging to the 
same organization addressed their mind to systematic 
political propaganda through a fit medium. Barin Ghose 
led this group which included Abinash Bhattacharya, 
Debabrata Bose, Bhupen Datla and others. Dis- 
satisfied with the political propagandism of the existing 
nationalist papers in Bengal, they together founded in 
March, 1906 the Bengali weekly Jug-antar to g^ve voice 
■to their revolutionary doctrines.^'' They believed that 
freedom is the birth-right of each nation and that a 
subject people must wade to freedom through a welter 
of blood. Their supreme object was to drive out the 
British from this country even by the most extreme 
methods. ‘Kabuly medicine is the best medicine’ was 
their constant cry. The following quotations from the 
Jugantur unmistakably reveal the unflinching candour 
with which the revolutionary doctrines were preached 
in this paper: 

1. In an artkle published on April 7, 1907 the 
Jiigantar observed : “In almost every country the 
people come to be divided into three parties before a 
revolution. One party turns traitor to the country 
and helps the established Government, the second party 
(and this consists of the majority of the population), 
though hankering after freedom and prepared to make 
some little sacrifice for^ a)ttaining it, are unwilling to 
plunge into war for its sake, and the third party con- 
sists of men to whom life without freedom is a burden 
and who are willing even to sacrifice themselves for the 
sake of their ideal. It is gradually becoming necessary 

17. U. ajid H. Mukherjee: Smdeshi AndolOn O Bmglor N^aju&i 
(Calcuttai, 1961, Uiapter VI). 



to form a third party like this in every town and every 
village and link them together”. . 

2. In its issue of May 5, 1907, the paper described 
the Englishmen as demons or asurs and characterised 
Minto and Hare as dangerous persons having no equal 
in the art of demoniac duplicity and finally observed: 
“Who calls you a tiger? Who calls you the British 
Lion? There are no tigers or lions in your country 
which contains only moles, jackals and dogs. In 
childhood we read of only these animals in your books 
and tO;^day in the field of politics, too, we are being 
acquainted v^ith the self-same animals”. 

In an article of June 9, 1907, the Jugantar gave 
direct incitement to violence by writing: “If it be 
lawful for an individual to use physical force for self- 
preservation, why should it be unlawful for a nation 
to do the same? If it be not a sin to commit man- 
slaughter in order 1o defend oneself against thieves 
and dacoits, why should it be a sin to kill a few men 
in order that a nation might become free? War and 
similar things may or may not be good. But in the 
present state of man he has no escape from them. 
When war is necessary, it is cowardice to refuse to 
enter upon it”. 

Again, in an article entitled “Lathi As Remedy”, 
the Jugantar observed on June 16, 1907 that the English 
bureaucrats did not understand the language of petition 
and peaceful agitation and that the people must be 
ready to apply the remedy which is always applied to 
fools. “The Kabuly medicine is indeed ’the best of 

In another article on “Dispelling Of Fear” the 
Jugantar observed on June 16, 1907: “In the course 
of the conversation a respected pandit said the other 
day that this vast British Empire was a huge sham, 
that it was a house without a foundation or a garland 
strung without a thread; that though it glittered and 



looked so nice with its crimson hue, a slight pull or a 
little push would bring it down to fragments. But that 
it does not fall is due simply to our foolishness”.^® 
Week after week the Jugwitar began to pour out 
such revolutionary ideas as the above, and its language 
became more and more vituperative and violent. The 
alien bureaucracy raised its threatening fist to kill that 
paper. Within a short span of thirteen months (July, 
1907 — ^August, 1908) six prosecutions, one after 
another, were started against this journal.^® 

But prosecution and persecution failed to stop its 
publication. Finding the existing laws too inadequate 
for the purpose, the Government of India ultimately 
passed the new Press Law in June, 1908 to gag the 
voice of seditious journals among whom the JugaiWar, 
in official estimation, stood the first and foremost. 
While introducing the Press Bill in the Legislative 
Council on June 8, 1908, Sir Harvey Adamson, the 
I.,aw Member, made special reference to the subversive 
work carried on by the Jiigwitar when he said: “In 
spite of five prosecutions Jugmitm still exists and is 
as violent as ever. The type of sedition has been incite- 
ment to subversion of British rule by deeds of violence,, 
has been to court prosecution to create pseudo-martyrs 
, . . I have up to this point confined myself to the 
Jugant<ar because it has already obtained so great 
notoriety that nothing that I can say can make it more 
nc.torious. But writings of a similar type abound in 
other newspapers not only in Calcutta but throughout 
India. I will not give any of these disreputable papers 
an advertisement by mentioning their names. . . . The 
only way to deal with such newspapers is 'to put an end 

18. The above extracts from the Jugantar are taken from the artides 

which were exhibited in the first JugmOm prosecution in July, 
1907* Vide B'Onde Mataram dated July 26, 1907’ and July 28, 
1907. i i i ' I 11 

19. Home Poll. A Prooeedings of the Govt, of India, June, 190ft. 
Nos. 126-129 and Aug. 1908, Nos. 99-104. 



to their existence, and this we propose to do in the 

THE manicktoea garden house 
Side by side with the organization of the Jug<Mtca' 
weekly Barindra Kumar Ghose laid the foundations of 
a secret socie'ty (1907) at the Manicktola Garden House 
in North Calcutta (a property belonging to the four sons 
of Dr. Krishna Dhan (Aose, father of Barin Ghose) 
where, apart from imparting moral and religious train- 
ing to its members, the cult of revolutionary nationalism, 
patriotism and so forth was also preached, the ultimate 
object being"the preparation of the country for entering 
into an armed conflict with the alien Government, Know- 
ledge of history and politics of various countries was 
also disseminated among its members regularly. In 
the literature of the society the greatest place was occu- 
pied by Bcrtaman Rmmiiti (a Bengali work by Barindra 
Kumar Ghose analysing the armed strength of the 
enemies and the methods to fight them out), Miikti Kon 
Pathe (comprising the most important articles of the 
Jugantar weekly) and a Bomb Manual (describing the 
formulae of bomb-making) — all being unearthed at the 
time of the search at the Garden House in May, 1908.®^ 
In the practical field, the society applied its mind to the 
collection of explosives, guns, revolvers, bombs, dyna- 
mites and various acids and chemicals as well as to the 
manufacture of bombs, particularly by Ullaskar Datta 
and Hem Chandra Das. Ullaskar Datta first started 

20. The Bengfllee, June 9, 1998 and Bmde Mataram (Weekly Edition), 
June 14, 1908. 

21. A copy of the same bomb manual tras also disoovered by the pdice 
during their search of the house of Ganesh Savaikar, brother of 
V. D. Savarkar, on Match Z. 1909. hfr. Ker, I.C.S., 'who had 
been P. A, to the Directtw of Orinunal Intdl’gence, Govt, at 
India, during 19017-13, refers to it in his Politiatl Trouble In India: 
1907-1917 (Calcutta, 1917.) as "60 pages of dosely typed matter 
in English, 'which proved to be a copy of the same bomb manual 
(A 'Which a cyclostyled copy was found in the Manicktola garden. 
Saivarkair’s copy 'was nnre con^lete. as it contained 45 sketches 
of bombs, nanes and buildings to illustrate the text”. 



this sort of preparation secretly in his own house but 
soon a centre was opened for the purpose at 15, Gkipi 
Mohan Datta Lane in North Calcutta. Hem Chandra 
Das soon imparted to the society his expert knowledge 
of bomb manufacture on his return from France in 
1907. In the latter part of that year the early band of 
the Juganiar workers dissociated themselves from the 
management of the paper,, devoting ihemselves whole- 
heartedly to secret plotting and conspiracy. By this 
time more than a dozen young men had clustered round 
Barindra Kumar at Manicktola. Between November, 
1907 and April, 1908 these men were busy weaving 
their schemes of outrages for taking the lives of select 
officials who had made themselves notorious and obno- 
xious to the revolutionaries. Besides the two attempts 
at blowing off Sir Andrew Fraser’s special trains near 
Chandernagore (November-December, 1907), a third 
attempt was also made to wreck his train at Narayan- 
garh near Kharagpur (December 6, 1907).“’^ In each 
of these instances bombs and mines of Ullaskar’s make 
were used. Two bombs of Hem Das’s make were also 
used in April, 1908—one directed at the Mayor of French 
Chandernagore, and the other misdirected aLtwo inno- 
cent English ladies at Muzaffarpur causing their deaths. 
Their actual prey was, however, Mr. Kingsford who 
escaped unhurt as if through providential intervention. 
This attempt to take the life of Mr. Kingsford was 
preceded by another futile attempt made by Barin 
Ghose’s party in or about January, 1908 through the 
despatch to him of a book-bomb in ithe form of a parcel 
which was not opened at that time as Mr. Kingsford 

22. The rail damaped in explosion on Dedemlber 6, 1907 Tras brouj^t 
to the Kharagpur Railway Workshop for preservation and is still 
lying near the Railway Test House, Kharagpur Workshop, bearing 
the followiiu; tablet: 

“Rail Damaged In Explosion Near Narayangarh 
Under The Special Train Of 
K. E. ^ Andrew Fraser K C I E 
Lieut>Govemor of Bengal <m 6-12-07’’. 


was then out of Calcutta, and afterwards the matter 
was forgotten until its memory was revived in 1909 in 
course of the Alipore Bomb Case. It was discovered 
exactly in the book long lying unopened in the house 
of Mr. Kingsford and has been described by Muspratt- 
Williams, Chief Inspector of Explosives of the India 
Govt, as “a most destructive bomb, had it exploded”.*® 

Following the Muzaffarpur bomb outrage the revo- 
lutionary centres in Calcutta came under bureaucratic 
fire and thunder. The nest of revolutionary conspiracy 
at Manicktola was broken and the Alipore Bomb Cons- 
piracy Case? was vigorously set on foot by the Govern- 
ment. Although Aurobindo Chose was ultimately 
acquitted by the British Judge as the prosecution could 
not prove his guilt, yet the fact remains that his was 
the master brain behind the whole revolutionary cam- 
paign in Bengal. Official records of the time repeatedly 
affirm this view. 


The Dacca Anusilan Samiti was founded on 
November 3, 190.5, at first as a branch of the Calcutta 
Anusilan Samiti, but soon it developed into an indepen- 
dent parallel institution. Its birth was the direct sequel 
of the fiery speeches of Barrister P. Mitter and Bipin 
Chandra Pal at Dacca and their exhortation to the 
young men to form a society of service and sacrifice. 
About eighty young men headed by Pulin Behari Das 
readily responded to the call and took the vow adminis- 
tered by P. Mitter. Mr. Armstrong in describing the 
occasion writes thus: “The manner of administering 
the vow was full of significance. P. Mitter held a sword 
with the point resting on the forehead of the postulant 
as he knelt and solemnly swore that if it were demanded 
of him, he was prepared to sacrifice even his life for 

23. I. B. Records of the Govt of West Bengal, File Na IV/1C85/1909. 

2 * 


the independence of the country. In this one act the 
M'hole mission and purpose of the Samiti is at once 
revealed and S 3 rmbolized”. Pulin Behari Das was apt- 
pointed the ‘Captain-General’ of the Samiti for ^he 
sterling qualities of leadership which he abundantly 

The Samiti had a humble beginning. On the first 
day when Pulin Das started his work, he found to his 
surprise that only one member had turned up.** But 
under his leadership the Samiti having its base at 50 
V/ari, Dacca, began to make rapid strides, enlisting new 
members and setting up branches all otrer Eastern 
Bengal and Assam. Speaking of its rapid develop- 
ment, Mr. F. C. Daly, Offg. D. 1. G. (Police), Bengal, 
observed in 1909 that “the Dacca Anusilan Samiti was 
founded and carried on with the same ultimate object 
as the Calcutta Anusilan Samiti, though the former was 
more rapid in its advance, more business-like in its 
organization, and more daring in its deeds, p-erhaps 
owing to the fact that the young Bengali of E. B. and 
Assam is generally ahead of the young Bengali of this 
province in natural audacity and physical courage”.*® 

As regards the numerical strength of the Samiti, 
it has been reported that Pulin Das on his release from 
deportation informed Mr. Denham of the Intelligence 
Branch “that he had 1,000 members in Dacca town and 
between 20,000 and 30,000 members in various districts 
of East Bengal”. About 600 branches were then in 


The objects of the Dacca Anusilan Samiti were 
the same as those of the Calcutta Anusilan Samiti, 

24. Biplabir JihattjD^fhan by Pratul Chandra Ganguli. See Prabod, 
Basokh, 1368 B. S. 

25. Jto. Daly’s letter to the Chief Secretary to the Government of 
Bengal, dated Septmaber 11-12^ 1909. 



physical exercises, moral regeneration and philanthro- 
pic work forming a great part of its curriculum. But 
by far the greatest object of the Samiti was to subvert 
the British rule in India by a violent and terror-strik- 
ing policy. This alone explains, according to the Intel- 
ligence Branch reports, “the ascetic training” of the 
members of the organization, “the laboriously practised 
laihi, dagger, and sword-pilay, boxing and jiujitsu, the 
military drill and training, the mock fights and com- 
petitions”, in which prizes and medals were also distri- 
buted. Pulin Behari Das, who himself inspected the 
branch samitfs, “instructed volunteers in archery and 
had discovered a formula for a deadly poison to be ap- 
plied to arrow-heads”.^** 

To the members of the Samiti two important vows 
vere administered, viz., Adya Pratijnu or the initial 
vow and Anita Pratijtia or the final vow. “The former 
consisted of 21 separate promises, the most important 
being that the member would never sever his connec- 
tion with the Samiti, would report any probability of 
harm to the Samiti and any case in which a member 
broke his vow, would obey the orders of the authorities 
and conceal nothing from them, and would never neglect 
gymnastics or drill or teach them to any non-member.” 
There was no secret about this vow, as printed copies 
of it were posted up at the various samitis for the in- 
formation of the public. After having fulfilled the 
terms of the first vow a memlier was required to take 
the middle and then the final vow. 

The final vow was concerned with serious matters 
and was not meant for publication. It contained six 
clauses : 

“I. I will not disclose any secret matter of the 
Samiti to any one, and will never discuss these matters 

28. The I. B. Records of the Govt, of West Bengal. F. N. 1270/1913. 



2. I will never act contrary to the system of work 
of the Samiti. I will always remain subject to the head 
of the Samiti. I will instantly and thoroughly carry out 
whatever orders he may pass from time to time. 

3. I will never change my place of residence 
without informing the head about it. I will not keep 
secret from the head where and how I am at a parti- 
cular time. I will instantly inform the head should the 
existence of any conspiracy against the Samiti come to 
my knowledge, and under his orders try to remedy it, 

4. I will come back in obedience to the head’s 
command, no matter in what state I may happen to be 
at the time. But if any serious physical or natural 
cause prevents me from turning up at the proper time, 
I will at once apply to the head, bringing the matter 
to his notice, and return as soon as the impediment is 
got over. 

5. I will not consider any kind of work disgrace- 
ful ... I will entirely rid myself of the fear of public 
censure. I will not cherish even a grain of the desire 

of attaining celebrity Caring neither for fame 

nor opprobrium and quite giving up wrangling and 
loquacity, I will go on discharging my duties with 
seriousness, patience and perseverance, and never 
shrink from exhibiting self-abnegation, self-sacrifice and 
liberality for the work of the Samiti. 

6. I shall not be at liberty to teach those subjects 
•with respect to which I may receive instruction in this 
Samiti, being bound by oath, to anyone save to those 
persons who are bound by oath as regards those sub- 

Besides 'these, there was a special vow too which was 
administered omy to a select few who would take part 
in some daring act. The members took this vow before 
the goddess Kali, tilxe symbol of Shahti.^"’ 

27. J. C. Ker: Potticol Trouble In India: 1907-1917, ■Chapter VI.. 



The Dacca Anusilan Samiti, with its headquarters- 
at Dacca and a number of subordinate samitis in the 
mofussil, was a highly centralised organization. Pulin 
Behari Das was the life and soul of the Samiti with 
supreme command over the entire organization. “In 
the Central Samiti”, write the Intelligence Branch 
reports, “nothing could be done without his orders. 
All correspondence had first to be read, guards were 
posted day and night, and severe punishments were 
inflicted for the least breach of the rules ... It had 
elaborately drawn up forms for recording in the minu- 
test detail ih® strength and degree of training of every 
village Samiti, the population, natural features of the 
village, and a map. It was believed that the Society was 
intended to work very secretly and quietly without any 
collision with the authorities until the deeply-laid plans 
were fully matured”.®* These topographical details 
were needed, writes Mr. Ker, “not only as a prepara- 
tion for the guerilla warfare which the leaders, hoped 
to set on foot, but for the less ambitious scheme of 
armed dacoities which they actually practised”. Alto- 
gether 944 printed forms for recording the above 
details were discovered by the police. Three of them- 
were found to have been filled in with carefully drawn 
maps attached to them. 

In the literature of the Samiti the District Org^ani- 
zation Scheme written by Naren Sen and Pratul 
Chandra Gangpili found a great place.®* The scheme 
envisaged the idea of District Organizers working in 
districts with batch leaders under them, under the 
general command of the supreme head in charge of the 
entire administration of the Samiti. Copies of this 
document and of another entitled Rules For Member- 

Also see Sri TraUokya Natiii Chakravarty's /e/e Tris Bachcer O 
Bharttter Bipktb Smiram (Calcutta, 1963, 2nd edn.), pp. 13-15. 

'28. The 1. B. Records of the Govt of West Bengal, F, N. 1270/1913. 

29. BipiMr Jiban-Darshan by Pratul Chandra Ganguli as published 
serially in the Prabasi, 1368 B. S. 


ship were seized by the police in connection with the 
Barisal Conspiracy Case (1913).®“ Besides this, 
another important document of the Dacca Anusilan 
Samiti was the Paridarshak. As Mr. Ker writes : “To 
keep the village samiitis up to the mark paridarshaks 
(inspectors) were appointed, and five copies were found 
of a document called the Fwidafshak in which their 
duties were laid down. Apparently it was too confiden- 
tial to print as the copies were all in manuscript, one 
being in the handwriting of Pulin Behari Das himself. 
Those who were appointed inspectors received a formal 
authority under the signature of Pulin Behari Das . . . 
The Paridarsh-ak indicates clearly how the Samiti was 
to be managed”. In the third place, another essay in 
Pulin Behari's own handwriting and bearing on the 
subject of the ‘total surrender of one’s personal in- 
dependence in the hands of a leader’ was seized by the 
police. The essay emphasised the need for unity and 
cohesion as contributory to the growth and success of 
an institution and was intended to develop the Samiti 
into a militant body.®^ Thus from all sources it is clear 
that the Dacca Anusilan Samiti presented a picture of 
highly centralised organization with Pulin Behari Das 
.'ts its supreme leader and commander. 

During 1907-1908 the Dacca Anusilan Samiti com- 
mitted and/or attempted to commit a number of violent 
acts including the attempt on the life of Mr. Allen at 
Goalundo (December 23, 1907), the District Magistrate 
of Dacca, the murder of Manasha Chakravarty who was 
originally a member of the Samiti but later turned out to 
be a spy (November 12, 1908) as well as the English 
Bazar dacoity (October 20, 1908) and the Naria Bazar 
•dacoity (Octobf:v 30, 1908) ; but by far the most daring 

30. The I. R Records of the Govt, of West Bengal, F. Nos. 9/1914 and 
1268/1915. These files preiservo these two documents even to this 

31. The I. B. Records of the Govt, of West Bengal, F. N. 1270/1913. 



act in the period under review was the Barrha dacoity 
(June 2, 1908) which was planned by Pulin Das but 
executed under the leadership of Ashutosh Das Gupta.*® 
The skill and boldness displayed by the party in the 
operation of this dacoity proved to be a terror to the 
enemies. Not merely a sum of Rs. 26,000 was looted but 
also four men were killed and seven others wounded in 
the ensuing clash that took place between Ihe'^party, on 
the one hand, and the villagers and the police, on the 
other. A graphic description of this dacoity has been 
furnished in Jele Tris Bachar by Trailokya Nath 
Chakra vadty (f lias Maharaj). 

Towards the close of 1908 the Dacca Anusilan 
Samiti acquired special notoriety in the eyes of the 
Government which soon raised its mailed fist against 
it. Not merely the Samiti was soon banned under the 
Criminal Law Amendment Adt, but also its Commander- 
General was deported under Regulation III of 1818 
(December, 1908). But repressive acts instead of 
extinguishing lit new fire in the soul of its members 
who mostly went' underground and continued to work 
from behind the scenes in silence. The release of 
their leader, Pulin Das, from jail in February, 1910 
came to them as a mighty stimulus. Pulin Das soon 
leorganized the Samiti secretly and infused a fighting 
spirit into it. But before long the Government again 
directed its attack on it and tried to bind down most 
of its important members on charges of conspiracies.** 
Following the arrest of Pulin Das in the Dacca 
Conspiracy Case, the leadership of the Sa'miti passed 
for a brief period (1910-1911) into the hands of 
Makhan Lai Sen who without disapproving the “direct 
action” scheme of the Samiti was trying to reconstruct 

32. Praitul Ganguli’a Biplabir Jiban-Dor$m. 

33. The Dacca ConsjMracy Case (July, 1910- April. 1912) and the 
Barieal Conspiracy Case (1913-14) followed by the Supplementary 
Bariaal CcM^racy Case (1915) convicted altogether thirty men 
of the Samiti inckiiding Pulin Behari Das. 


the Samiti after the model of the Ramkrishna Mission. 
"The “Scheme Book Of The Revolutionary Organization 
In Bengal” written by him was a Bengali MSS covering 
.about 100 pages, with headings of Dharma, Shiksha, 
Sebabrata, Naisa Sangeet, Naisa Vidyalaya, Gymnastic 
Club & Brahmacharya Ashram, and was described by the 
Intelligence Branch of Bengal as one “of a moral nature 
throughout”. From Makhan Lai Sen the leadership 
soon passed into the hands of Naren Sen (later Naren 
Maharaj of the Ramkrishna Mission), after whom 
Pratul Ganguli, Trailokya Chakravarty, Ramesh 
Choudhury, Anukul Chakravarty, Nagen,^ Datta (alias 
Girija Babu), Nalini Kanta Ghose etc., assumed the 
command of the Samiti at different stages. In theii 
line of action they all stuck close to the tradition of 
Pulin Das. 

At ilhe beginning of 1912 the activities of the 
Anusilan Samiti got a new lease of life with the founda- 
tion of a centre of work in Calcutta. Supported by 
“ample funds” and “a well-equipped technical and 
intelligence department”, the Samiti spread out its off- 
shoots all over Bengal and even in Bihar, U. P. and 
Madhya Pradesh.®* It forged an alliance with the 
Chandernagore group of revolutionaries then headed 
by Moti Lai Roy (1912) and also came into contact 
with the Benares group led by Sachindra Nath Sanyal 
(1913). Besides, the Anusilan Samiti established its 
links with the Delhi and Punjab revolutionaries also 

34. During the World War I Chandi Charan Nag and Bhabani Prasad 
Datta of the Dacca Anusilan Samiti went to Rangoon for organiza- 
tional work. According to Sri Dinesh Biswas, an old member of 
the Anusilan Samiti who wient to Burma in 1^0-21 with the same 
end in view, Sanjeeb Mukherjee, Sumati Majumdar and others 
worked ainorg the Burmese, and Kedareswar Bhattacharya, a 
school-master ^ Rangoon, had correspondence with Rash ^hari 
Bose. Among the Biaimese who joinied the Anusilan Samiti lie 
important were C. I . Khin Maung and U. Tin Maung. Dr. Ba 
^w, Thakkin XJ Su and U. Saw had separate organizaiions 
aiming at freedom of Burma through violence and th^ were in 
intimate touch with the Anusilan Samiti. 



through the medium of Rash Behari Bose whom Mr. 
Denham of the Intelligence Branch described as the 
“up-country agent” of Srish Chandra Ghose of 
Chandernagore. Thus a common net-work of revolu- 
tionary conspiracy was laid from the Punjab to Bengal 
in which the Anusilan Samiti formed an important link. 
It is not for nothing that Mr, Hughes Buller, I. G. of 
Police, wrote to the Chief Secretary to the Government 
of Bengal (January 6, 1914) : “The Maulvibazar 
case takes one to Dacca and Dacca leads to intimate 
association with Calcutta, and the occurrence at Lahore 
completes the circle of connection back to Sylhet again. 
And if the I.ahore bomb is to be attributed to Bengal 
men, it is but a short step, in view of recent revelations, 
to connect East Bengal men through Calcutta with the 
Delhi bomb”. 

It is worth while to observe in this connection that 
except the manufacture of bomb shells through iron 
casting by Amrita Hazra at his Rajabazar centre 
(29611 Upper Circular Road), the Dacca Anusilan 
Samiti had no bomb manufacturing agency of its own 
and so it had to depend in the main on Chandernagore 
for the supply of bombs and revolvers. The main atten- 
tion of the Samiti was focussed not on the manufacture 
of firearms but on the propagation of the cult of violence 
as well as on the actual commission of overt acts 
■Ihrough its far-flung and will-knit organization. 
Political leaflets under the name of Liberty and 
Swadhin Bfvarat were issued by the Samiti from time 
to time. An issue of Liberty of 1913 declared the ideal 
of the Samiti in the following lang^iage : 

“The Liberty has taken its birth at the present 
moment for the fulfilment of a Mission, ordained by 
the Almighty, and the ultimate object of it is to secure^ 
the independence of Mother India. . . 

“Therefore, O, brothers, Bharats, throw off the 
lethargy of the thousand years and come sharp under 



the banner of the Mahashakti, so that you may become 
Suddha, Siddha and Mukta. And God’s will can then 
be performed through you like those of the Delhi^ 
College Square and the Mymensingh Lilas”. The 
Swadhin Bharat (first edition) sent a call to Indian 
youths to come forward and face death to extirpate 
the blood-sucking demons from the mother country. 
Those police and C. I. D. men, or tihtikis as they were 
called by the revolutionaries, standing as impediments 
to 'this great work must be removed from the scene by 
the extreme method. The leaflet eulogized secret 
murder as a holy act on the part of an enslaved people. 
The occasional publication of such seditious leaflets 
drew the serious attention of the Chief Secretary to 
the Government of Bengjal, who in his letter to the 
Secretary to the Government of India (Home Deptt.), 
thus commented (February 6, 1914) : “Their appear- 
ance has been persistent and unabated ; and throughout 
the past year they have been circulated in the Bengal 
Presidency and have been found so far afield as the 
Punjab, the United Provinces and the Central Pro- 
vinces. Publication work forms one of the basic 
features of the present movement, and the seditious 
leaflet continues to be one of the most dangerous 
weapons systematically employed against the Govern- 

The important overt acts committed by the Dacca 
Anusilan Samiti during 1912-1918 is furnished in the 
following table:*® 

35. The above list has been prepared with the help of different charts 
provided in the I. B. Records of the Govt, of West Bengal, Index 
To Notes On Outr4iges Compiled In 1917 by J. C. Nixon, I.C.S., 
Vol. "VIII as well as with the help of the informaition supplied by 
some onembers of the Dacca Antisilan Saimti such as Saibasri 
Anukul Chakravarcy, Amrita Sarkaw, Nalini Kanta Chose, Manindra 
Nath Roy etc. Published ibooks and essays like Jele Tris BachoTr 
Biplabir Jibm-Dmshm Biplabi Jtbm, B<angk>y BibU^had etc,, 
have also been drawn upon for the same purpose. 


DfUe Place of 


1. Sept. 24, Goalnagar» Dacca 
1912 town 

2. Nov. 14, NangaJbandh, 

1912 Dacca 

3. Jan. y 13, Comitla, 

1913 Tipperah 

4. Feb. 3, Eharakair, 

1913 Dacca 

5. Feib. 4, Dhuldia, 

1913 Mymensingh 

6. March 27, Maulvibazar, 
1913 Sylhet 

7. Sept. 29, College Sq., 
1913 Calcutta 

& Sept. 30, Mymdtxsingf) 

9. Nov. 16, Baiiglabazar, 
1913 Dacca 

Nature of the Act 

Head Constable Rati Lai Roy 
shot dead by a pai^ consisting 
of Trailokya Cfhakravarty, 
Praitul Ganguli and Biren 

Dacoity: Rs. 16,000 looted. 

Murder of Debendra Kumar 
Ghose, a political suspect, by 

Dacoity: Rs. 3,400 looted. 

Dacoity : Rs. 9,046 looted. 
Amrita Sarlcar wounded by 
shots from Jogendra Bhatta- 
charya's revolver. 

Attempted assassination of Mr. 
Gordon, S.D*0. Jogendra 
Chakravaity dicid by bomb 
explosion. The party consisted 
of Amrita Sarkar, Lai Mohan 
De and Tara Prasanna Bal 
and Jogen Chakravarty. 
Chandemagore bomb used. 
Amrita Sarkar and Tara 
Prasanna Bal were also 

Murder of Head Consitable 
Haripada Deb by revolver. 
Participants — Pratul Ganguli, 
Rabi Sen and Nirmal Roy. 

Bankim Choudhury in the employ 
of the police killed by bomb 
explosion. Party consisted of 
Amrita Sarkar and Anukul 
Chakravart>^ Bomb thrown 
by Amrita Sarkar. 

Basanta Bhattacharya, a police 
officer, shot dead by a party 


Place of 

Nature of the Act 

consisting of Anukul Chakra* 
varty and Adilya Datta, 
Aniikul Chakravarty fired. 

10. Jan. 19, Grey Street and Inspector Nripendra Nath Ghose 
1914 Sovabazar junction, shot dead by Nitmal Kanta 

Calcutta Roy. 

11. June 19, Sadar Ghat Road, Nagen Roy, an informer in the 
1914 Chittagong town Dacca Conspiracy Case, aimed 

at, but Satyen Sen instead 
died by revolver shot by Pratul 
Ganguli and helped by Nalini 
Kanta Ghose *^and Jogendra 
Bhattacharya {alias Jyoti). 

12. July 19, Euckland Band, 
1914 Dacca 

13. Nov. 2, Greer Park, 
1914 Calcutta 

Informer Ram Das, originally a 
member of the Anusilan 
Samiti and later joining Puma 
Das's party, shot dead by 
Amrita Sarkar, assisted by 
Anukul Chakravarty, Girija 
Babu and Biren Chatter jee. 
It was before stmset when a 
number of police men in plain 
dress along with Ram Das 
were loitering on the Buckland 
Band to detect the ‘marked’ 
Anusilan Samiti men that the 
murder took place. Basanta 
Chatter jee with a large police 
force was waiting in a boat 
on the Burigemga. Just at that 
time the party of four, all 
armed, appeared on the Band. 
Ram Das missed their sight 
and turned about when Amrita 
Sarkar shot at him from the 
side. B. Chatterjee and his 
men jumped into the river. It 
was a most daring act, as the 
Band was very much crowded 
at that time. 

Nareii Sen and Biren Chatterjee 
arrested by the police after' 




14. Nov. 25, 

15. Feb. 20, 

Place of 

Nature of the Act 

offering tough resistance. The 
wrist of Lowman was broken 
by Biren Chatterjee. 

Mussalmanpara Two bombs thrown into tiie 
Lane, Calcutta house of Dy. Supdt. Basanta 
Chatterjee. A Head Consta- 
ble killed and two consta- 
bles and a relative of B. K. 
Chatterjee dangerously woun- 
ded. Nagen Sen found lying 
in Akhil Mistry’s Lane seri- 
ously wounded by a bomb 
explosion, with a loaded 
Webley revolver by his side. 
The plan formulated by 
Trailokya Chakravarty and to 
be executed in two stages. The 
first batch would kill Basanta 
Chatterjee which would force 
Tegarl on the scene, and the 
second batch would then kill 
him. Chandemagore bombs 
and Mauser pistols secured for 
the purpose. In practice, the 
first batch consisting of Nagen 
Sen, Kali Maitra, Satis 
Pakrasi (alias Barin), Prafulla 
Biswas and another man went 
with bombs, but as they missed 
the target, injuring Nagen 
Sen, Kali Maitra and Satis 
Pakrasi, the second part of 
the scheme was abandoned. 
Kali Maitra was treated at 
Ahil Krishnr^ Ghose\s house at 
2, Chidam Mudi Lane by 
[adugopal Mukherjee. then a 
medical student. Satis Pakrasi 
received wounds on his right 

Dharail, Kajsahi Dacoily with murder: Rs. 25,000 


Date Place of . 


lO. Oct. 9, Mymensingh 

17. June 30, Samibhunath 
1916 Pandit Road, 

18. Sept. 11, Laliteswar, 
1916 Tipperah 

19. Jan. 9 Gauhati, Assam 
and 11, 


20. May 8, Bogratown 

Nature of the Act 

Dy. Suptd. of Police Jatitidra 
Mohan Ghose shot dead. His 
son also killed. 

Murder of Dy. Supdt. Basanta 
Chatterjoe by a party of five, 
viz., Suresh Chakravarty, 
Probodhi Biswas, Atin Roy 
Choudhury of , Comilla, Sisir 
Ghose and Mohini Bhattachar- 
ya by means of revolver and 
Mauser pistols. Firing done 
by Suresh and Atin, the other 
three keeping on guard. B. 
K. Chatterjee's guard also 
succumbed to his injuries. 

Dacoity with murder: Rs. 530 
looted. Clash with villagers: 
five villagers killed and five 
wounded. Probodhi Bhatta- 
charya, according to Mr^ 
Nixon, captured by the villa- 
gers and beaten to death. 
Probhas Lahiri of the Anusi- 
lan Samiti states that Bhatta-- 
charya died of snake biting. 

Armed fight between the Anusi- 
lan Samiti men and the police 
party at the Atgaon house and 
near the Nabagraha Hill at 
Gauhati. Nalini Kanta Ghose,. 
Probhas Chandra Lahiri,. 
Maniuidra Nath Roy, Naren- 
dra Nath Banerjee (of 
Benares Consp. Case) and 
another member arrested while 
Nalini Bagchi, Probodh Das 
Gupta and Amarendra Nath 
Chatterjee escaped. Casual- 
ties found on both sides. 

Murder of S. I. Haridas Maitra 
by Nikunja Pal. 



NuttMre cf the Act 

Armed resistance by Nikunja 
Pal to the police. Nikunja 
Pal arrested. 

On the momingf of June 15 
armed police officers and men 
raided No. 28 Kalta Bazar. 
Tarini Majumdar and Nalini 
Bagchi offered armed resis- 
tance with Mauser pistols, but 
were overwhelmed by the 
police. Tarini Majumdar 
killed on the spot, while 
Nalini Bagchi fatally wounded 
and he died in hospital. The 
third man Hari Chaitanya De 
was arrested. S. I. Basanta 
Mukherjee seriously wounded 
and the Head Constable suc- 
cumbed to his wounds. 


After the break-up of the Manicktola revolutionary 
centre ( 1908) and the proclamation of the Calcutta 
Anusilan Samiti as unlawful (September, 1909) 
Chandernagore become the focal point of revolutionary 
conspiracy in Western Bengal. As early as 1902 a 
society for physical, mental and moral culture, called 
the Bandhab Sammilani, was founded at Gondalpara 
through the initiative of Narendra Nath Banerjee, 
Upendra Nath Banerjee and Basanta Kumar Banerjee. 
Srish Chandra Ghose of Fatakgora, who later acquired 
the distinction of being the most daring and dangerous 
of the Chandernagore revolutionaries, was also con- 
nected with the Sammilani almost from the outset. 
When the Swadeshi Movement began to stir the 
country, the activities of the Bandhab Sammilani 
naturally expanded, drawing new followers like 

Date Place of 


21. May 27, Afgharia,Pabna 

22. June 15, Kalta Bazar, 
1918 Dacca 


Jyotish Chandra Ghose of Cinsurah, Airiarendra Nath 
Chatterjee of Uttarpara and Hrishik^sh Kanjilal of 
Serampore, Among the young men who had joined 
the Sammilani Upen Banerjee occupied a very 
important position. He had some literary talents and 
used them in the service of the motherland. ' He con- 
tributed several interesting articles to the Jugmtar 
weekly and was also connected, at one stage, with the 
Bande MiXitaram daily as an assistant Editor. Gradually 
he developed intimacy with Barindra Kumar Ghose and 
joined the Manicktola secret society (1907) of which the 
latter was the guiding spirit. He belonged to the inner 
circle of the Manicktola revolutionaries and was mainly 
in charge, of imparting religious and moral training to 
its inmates. At about the same time an inner circle 
also grew within the Bandhab Sammilani with its 
headquarters at the residence of Narendra Nath 
Banerjee. Its members received lessons in revolver 
shooting from Professor Charu Chandra Roy of the 
College Dupleix, who had done much to inspire the 
Chandernagore people with the spirit of Indian 
nationalism. It was in this milieu that these young 
men picked up intimacy with Kanai Lai Datta, a pupil 
of Charu Roy and also a member of his majlis . 

It is well to remember that Kanai Lai Datta, 
before he had left Chandernagore after his B. A. 
Examination in 1908 to join the Manicktola centre, 
had also organized an •akhra of physical exercises in 
his own house with a number of young men associated 
with it. Murtaza, a Turko-European of Calcutta, came 
to this akhra from time to time to teach sword-play 
to the boys of the club. Gradually provisions were also 
made under the chairmanship of Moti Lai Roy for 
moral and intellectual discussions every Sunday.*’^ 

36. Narendra Nath Banerjee: Rakta Biplaber Ek Adhyay (Chander- 
nagore^ 1954), pp. 16-40. 

37. Vide Praibartak Sangha’a fortnightly organ 'Nabasangho, Octobeir 


After the arrest of Kanai Lai Datta in connection with 
tlie Manicktola conspiracy, his work aJt Chandernagore 
was earnestly taken up by Moti Lai Roy who, in colla- 
boration with Srish Chandra Ghose, Amarendra Nath 
Chatter jee and Baburam Paradkar (nephew of Sakha- 
ram Ganesh Deuskar) founded the nucleus of another 
secret society at Borai Chanditola in May, 1908.*® Srish 
Ghose functioned from the beginning as the liaison 
between the Gondalpara and Borai Chanditola revolu- 
tionary centres. 

The first important act of the Chandernagore 
revolutionaries was the supply of two revolvers to the 
Alipore Jail at the request of Kanai Lai Datta for the 
object of ending the life of Narendra Nath Gossain, 
the approver. Moti Lai Roy, on being supplied with 
two revolvers by Srish Chandra Ghose at Chander- 
nagore, deposited them at Basanta Kumar Banerjee’s 
house in Calcutta, and they were delivered in due 
course to Kanai Lai Datta and Upendra Nath Banerjee 
in the jail by Srish Chandra Ghose and Basanta Kumar 
Banerjee respectively.®® The intended object of killing 
Naren Gossain was carried through successfully in the 
Alipore Jail Hospital (August 31, 1908) by Kanai Lai 
Datta of Chandernagore and Satyendra Nath Bose of 
Midnapore. Both of them were hanged eventually on 
charge of murder. 

Another great service rendered by Chandernagore 
tc the cause of revolution was the offer of an asylum 
to Aurobindo Ghose, an exile from British India in 
February, 1910 following the issue of a warrant of 
arrest against him on account of his signed article “To 

9, 1964, for Sri Arun Chandra Daitta’s article entitled Smghch 
mandire. Sri A. C Datta, Kanai Datta’s cousin 'brother, Ttnas a 
member of Kanai Lai’s €tkhra, 

38. Moti Lai Roy: Amar Dekha Biphb O Biplabt (Calcutta, 1957)« 
np. 26-27. 

39. The writer’s interview with Sri Basanta Kumar Banerjed at 
Chandernagore cm 18.8.1965. Also see Rukt<i Biplaber Ek Adhyay^ 
p. 41. 

-(0 TWO Gsmt 

My Countrymen” published in the Karmayogin on 
December 25, 1909, Aurobindo came to Chandef’- 
nagore suddenly and without notice. “Moti Lai Roy 
received him first in his own house, then arranged in 
other places, allowing only a few to know”.*® Aurobindo 
lived at Chandernagore in complete secrecy for about 
a month and a half (February 15 — March 31, 1910), 
and then he decided to leave for Pondicherry, the 
headquarters of the French settlement in India. While 
Moti Lai Roy arranged to escort him from Chander- 
nagore to Ariadaha-Agarpara, Amarendra Nath 
•Chatter jee had him escorted from that place to Calcutta 
where in collaboration with Sukumar Mitra and 
Nagendra Kumar Cuba Roy he managed to have 
Aurobindo board s. s. Dupleix which steamed off from 
the Calcutta port on April 1, 1910.*^ 

40. Vide Sri Aurobindo On Wmself And On The M'OtJm, p. 106, Also 
see SmrituK^tha by Suresh Oiandra Chakravarty (March, 1962), 
pp. 34-43. 

41. For the details of Sri Anrobindo's escape from Chandemaigore to 
Pondicheny see Mahayogi Sri Aurobindo by Nagendra Kumar 
Guha Roy (Calcutta 1963, Ch. VI) a.nd the of Bhantter 
Swadhimtar Itihas by Amarendra Nath Cihatterjee (pp. 27-28). 
Sri Guha Roy’s statement finds corrolxtfation in the followiing 
extract from the Weekly Report of the I. G. (Police), Bengal, to 
the Director of Criminal Intelligence, Govt, of India, dated April 
17, 1910 (Vide Home Poll. A. Proc^ings of the Govt, of India, 
Nos. 14-42, of December, 1910): “On the 31st of March the 
Special Branch Officer of the Calcutta Police who supervises 
arrivals and departures of Indians by sea reported that two native 
passengers who gave their names as J. N. Mitter of Uluberia, and 
Bankim Chandra Bhowmik of Nilphamari, Rangpore had reserved 
berths on this steamer for Pondicherry. The -Health Officer’s 
inspection for this ship was held on the evening of the 31sst. The 
Calcutta PPlice Officer who was present at the Health Officer's 
inspection rqxnted that neither of these two passengers had turned 
up for inspection. On the 4th instant a letter was received from 
the Messageries Martimes Company to the effect that these two 
persons had actually sailed on the Dupleix for Pondicherry, but 
that as they boarded the steamer at the last moonent, thev had 
not been seen by the Calcutta! Police Officer. On enquinr it was 
ascertained from the Health Officer that at about 9-30 P.M. on the 
night of the Slst ultimo, 2 Bengalis giving their names as J. N. 
Mitter and Bankim Chandra Bhdwmik came to his private residence 
and requested to be furnished with health certificates to enable the^ 
to sail on the Dupleix. The Health Officer g^ted them the 
necessary certificates. On a photograph of Aurdbindo Chose being 
shown to the Health Officer, he stated that this was probably ffie 



After Aurobindo’s departure from Chandemagore 
important overt act committed under the influence 
of Chandemagore secret societies was the throwing of 
a bomb at Mr. Cowley (but actually meant for Mr. 
Denham) at the Writers Building (March 2, 1911) by 
Nani Gopal Mukherjee who was a recruit of Prof. 
Jyotish Ghose and who had earlier shot dead Head 
Constable Srish Chandra Chakra varty on February 21, 
1911. In connection with this bomb outrage Nani 
Gopal was sentenced to fourteen years’ transportation 
while Srish Ghose, Naren Banerjee and Jyotish Ghose 
were released after initial arrest. It was Srish Ghose 
who had supplied the bomb made by Suresh Datta, and 
it was Naren Banerjee who accompanied Nani Gopal 
to the Writers Building. As Srish Ghose was the 
principal brain behind the Dalhousie Square bomb 
outrage and as Jyotish Ghose was a ‘corruptor of 
youths’, Mr. Morshead, the then I. G. of Police, recom- 
mended for their deportation under Regulation III of 
1818 to the Government of Bengal and requested the 
latter to move the matter with the (jovernment of 

From 1910-1911 the organization of Mbti Roy 
began to acquire greater importance on account of its 
intimate link with the wider revolutionary movement 
now going on in the country. Before long it became 
the chief centre of bomb manufacture in Bengal. 
There were five centres of bomb manufacture and 
stock-piling in Chandemagore, viz.. Rash Behari 
Bose’s house at Fatakgora, Moti Lai Roy’s house at 
Borai Chanditola, Manindra Nath Naik’s house in 

individual who gave his name as Jatindra Nath Mitta*. The Health 
Officer further stated that he was struck by the fluent English wluch 
this gentleman speke^’. Nieedless to say, the persons who went to 
the Health Officer's resdence to get health certificaites wo'e 
Aurdbtndo Ghose and Bejoy Nag, Aurobindo’s attendant during his 

42. Letter of Mr. hforsbead. I. G. (Pdice), Bengal, to Mr. Stevenson 
Moore, the Cluef Secretary to the Govt of Bengal, dated April 
1, 1911. 



Jadu Ghose’s Lane, Sag^r Kali Ghose’s house in 
Majumdar Garh, and the- northern portion of Aruri 
Shome’s residence which was adjacent to the wooden 
godown of Moti Lai Roy. The last mentioned one (that 
is Arun Shome’s house) was the main centre both 
for bomb manufacture and stock-piling. The northern 
wall of that house had hidden chambers specially made 
for the purpose. The bomb manufacture in its later 
phase was started by Suresh Chandra Datta in Calcutta ; 
it was continued by Nagendra Nath Ghose for a short 
period and then taken up by Manindra Nath Naik in 
right earnest. Manindra Nath Naik, b6 it noted, was 
the principal bomb manufacturer in the Chandernagore 
circle. A gold-smith Ashutosh Ncogi generally sup- 
plied to the Chandernagore party Sulphuric and Nitric 
Acid for bomb manufacture. Carbolic Acid being 
purchased from Calcutta. Ashutosh Neogi who had 
his workshop at Kankinarah on the eastern side of the 
Ganges used to supply acid every day on his return to 
Chandernagore at night. Sagar Kali Ghose, an 
employee in the Anglo-India Jute Mill, supplied the 
jute carding pins to the party from his office.^® Besides, 
Chandernagore was a great stock centre of other arms 
and ammunition too. 

Although Moti Lai Roy did not take any active 
part in these acts, yet he was the spiritual guide and 
moving spirit behind the Chandernagore movement, 
and he was, moreover, a link between Aurobindo Ghose 
at Pondicherry and the wider revolutionary movement 
in India. Having no news from Aurobindo Ghose at 
Pondicherry ,Moti Lai Roy sent to him Sudarshan 
Chatterjee towards the end of April, 1910, Sudarshan 
leturned from Pondicherry in early May, 1910 with 
news from Aurobindo Ghose, and afterwards Moti Lai 
himself called on Aurobindo at Pondicherry in 

43. The iter’s inlemews mUi Sii Manindra Nath Naik of Chander- 
nagote. Also see Anm Dekha Bipiab O Bipiabi in this ctamectioiu 


t)ecember, 1911, and again during September-Novent- 
ber, 1913, He kept up correspondence with Aurobindo 
on revolutionary matters through the post-box of 
Sanmukham Chetty for some time. Even the Intelli- 
gence Branch officers did not fail to notice this link 
between Aurobindo Ghose and the Bengal revolu- 
tionaries through Moti Lai Roy. As Mr. Denham 
writes in his third Report on the Rajabazar Case: 
“From Chandernagore to Aurobindo Ghose, the leader 
and Guru of the whole society, is but a short journey, 
for we know that in November last year Moti Lai Roy, 
Srish Ghose’s * first companion, paid a secret visit to 
Pondicherry, where he resided for twenty days, 
closetted with his leader Aurobindo Ghose.” 

During this period Aurobindo Ghose was spending 
his days in utmost financial difficulties and this is clearly 
revealed in the letters written by him to Moti Lai 
Roy at that time. In one of these letters not yet 
published, Aurobindo Ghose, under the signature of 
Kali, wrote to Moti Lai Roy the following: 

“Our position here now is at its worst, since all 
efforts to get some help from here have been tempo- 
rarily fruitless and we have to depend on your Rs. 50 1- 
which is insufficient. We have to pay Rs. 15/- for 
rent, other expenses come to not less, and the remain- 
ing Rs. 20/- cannot suffice :^or the food expenses of 
five people, ' Even any delay in your money arriving 
makes our Manager ‘see darkness’. That is why we 
have had to telegraph.” In another letter Aurobindo 
similary wrote to Moti Lai Roy: “I should be glad to 
know if there is any prospect of your being able to 
increase the amount now or shortly. Up, till now we 
have somehow or other managed to fill in the deficit of 
Rs. 35/- monthly, but, now that all our regular sources 
being stopped we have to look to mere luck for going 
on”. Moti Lai Roy used to send to Aurobindo at 
Pondicherry some regular contributions, a substantial 



portion of which was donated by the Dacca Anusilan 
Samiti.^* Aurobindo received a large sum of money 
also from his friend Barrister C. R. Das for trans- 
lating the latter’s Bengali poetical work S<agair Smugeet 
into English. 

Apart from associating themselves with the 
general scheme of revolution in India under the 
leadership of Rash Behari Bose and Jyotindra Nath 
Mukherjee, the Chandernagore revolutionaries led by 
Moti Lai Roy rendered a signal service to the cause of 
revolution by providing asylum from time to time to 
a large number of Anusilan and JugUntar workers 
until the Amnesty was declared in December, 1919.^® 
With reference to Moti Lai Roy Mr. Tegart wrote in 
1917: “This man is an important revolutionary leader, 
who generally controls and advises bolh the Eastern 
and Western Bengal Sections and also keeps in touch 
with the sister organisations in other parts of India, 
particularly the United Provinces and the Punjab”.*® 

Another important episode connected with the 

44. Both Sri Anukul ChakraVarty and Sri Nalini Kanta Chose testify 
to the regular payment of money by the Anusilan Samiti to Moti 
Lai Roy for disbursement to Aurabindo Chose in Pondicherry. 
Even Mr. Armstrong in his Histcry Of The Dacca AmsUan Samiti 
has stated in 1917 that “Aurobindo in his retreat in Pondicherry 
is to the present day in receipt of funds specially iMOvided by the 
Dacca Anusilan Samiti for his support”. 

45. The terms ‘Anusilan' and 'Jugantar' have been used here in the 
sense of the Dacca Anusilan Samiti and the most of the non-Dacca 
Anusilan groups in Bengal. Mr. Armstrong in 1917 ■wrote in this 
context the following: 

“The Dacca Anusilan Samiti had acquired such great influence 
and numerical strength and was so well organized and disciplined 
that, although its leaders and those of 'the other party', b^h in 
Calcutta and tlie mufassal, have been in constant toudi. it has 
continued to retain its separate individuality and organization more 
or less unimpaired. 

Broadly speaking, therefore in the revolutionary society in 
Bengal there are two main divisions-~the Jugantar and the Dacca 
Anusilan. The generic name ‘Jugantar* is now sdckmi heard, but 
it seems appropriate and historically justifiaibile!, and if found to 
be of general applicoition to all non-Dsuxra Anusilan organilzations 
in B^gal, its wider use would perhaps ^plify znatters and provide 
a satisfactory nomenclature”. 

46. Vide F. N. 2210/16 in the I. B. Records (W. B.), 


Ciiandernagore revolutionaries was the despatch of 
Volunteers during the World War I to the battle-field 
in France under the inspiration of Moti Lai Roy. 
After idle Government of India had gone back upon 
their earlier invitation of 2000 Bengalis to serve as an 
Ambulance Corps in the war (August, 1914), Chander- 
nagore set the stage for the Bengalis for fighting in 
open battle-field in Europe. In response to the French 
Government’s notification dated December 30, 1915 
Chandernagore sent Bengali Volunteers, numbering 
twenty-five, led by Haradhan Bakshi and Shidheswar 
Mallick, to Frs^nce, via Pondicherry and Tunis for 
military training. The excellent military talent which 
they exhibited in the battle-field of Verdun brought for 
them very high appreciation even from the French 


Of all the overt acts committed by the Bengal 
revolutionaries during the World War I nothing seems 
more daring and dramatic than the theft of Rodda’s 
arms effected on August 26, 1914. The revolutionaries 
of the time had to carry on their activities under certain 
basic limitations, particularly the shortage of funds 
and that of arms. To make up the deficiency of the 
first kind political dacoities were often resorted to. 
But money alone was not sufficient; what they needed 
most to carry through their project was armed strength. 
After the dissolution of the Manicktola centre difficul- 
ties for the revolutionaries were augmented all the 
more. French Chandernagore now remained the only 
centre of bomb manufacture, but even there the watch 
dogs of the bureaucracy were making the situation 
more and more difficult. Besides the manufacture of 

47. Moti Lai Roy; Jiban Smgfm (Calcutta^ 2nd eda, 19S2) pp. 334-36 ' 
and 397-96. 


tombs, the revolutionaries were secretly engaged in. 
.securing revolvers and pistols generally from indivi- 
-duals through forcible seizure or by theft, or from the : 
Anglo-Indians or the Chinese or the Italian and other ; 
.sailors and crew through purchase. Two other sources 
of which mention has been found in the 1. B. Records, 
were one Nur Khan of Chetla, a dealer in firearms, 
from whom revolvers were purchased by Jyotindra 
Nath Mukherjee through Charu Ghose of Chetla, and 
Kishori Mohan Sapui, an important businessman of 
■Chandernagore who used to import revolvers regularly . 
from France, a portion of which went V> the hands of 
the revolutionaries.^* Notwithstanding all these, the 
supply of arms for the revolutionaries was hopelessly 
'inadequate for their ambitious projects. The outbreak 
of the World War I opened up before them new op- • 
portunities of work, and they were now up and doing 
in securing arms by any means whatsoever. It is in 
this psycho-political bac^round that a consignment of 
• arms from Messrs Rodda & Co., one of the most' im- 
portant dealers in arms in Calcutta, was dramatically 
•stolen by the revolutionaries in broad daylight from the , 
streets of Calcutta. The episode was not only interest- 
ing but important too. The arms thus secured streng- 
thened the hands of the revolutionaries to a very large . 
•extent and played a great role in their activities of the 
future. The successful theft gave them the possession 
of a, large number of Mau.scr pistols which, when fitted 
with their wooden cases, worked as good as rifles and 
were much more powerful both in range and potency , 
than the ordinary revolvers used by the police at that 

The chief actor in the Rodda conspiracy was Srish , 
Pal alias Narcn who found valuable collaborators in . 

• 48. See the I. B, ‘Records of the Govt, of We^ Bengal (F. N. 757/13) 
and Amor Dehha Biplab 0 Biplabi, p. 100. 


Haridas Datta of the Mukiti Sangha as well as in 
Anukul Mukherjee, Harish Sikdar, Bipin Ganguli, 
Bhujanga Dhar and Srish Mitra alias Habu of the Atto- 
unalti Samiti*®. It is because of this closeness of relation 
between the Mukti Sangha and the Attonnati SamJti 
that Mr. Tegart writes in his report on Rangpur in 
1915 : “Our enquiries showed that the members of Hem 
Ghose’s party had amalgamated in Calcutta with the 
remnants of the old Attonnati Samiti”.®® 

By the middle of 1914 these two parties came 
tmder the sharp notice of the police, particularly after 
the attempted rpurder of Mr. O’ Brien, an engineer of 
the Alexandra Jute Mill of Jagaddal on the eastern 
bank of the Ganges (just opposite to Chandernagore), 
who had kicked to death an employee of the Mill and 
had received in return a nominal fine of Rs. 50. The 
insult was too much for the revolutionaries to stand 
without offering a fit counter blow. Hem Ghosc, Srish 
Pal, Harish Sikdar and Anukul Mtikherjee, after consul- 
tation among themselves, deputed Haridas Datta of 
Rangpur and Khagen Das of Comilla, both belonging 
to the Mukti Sangha, to avenge the death of the unfor- 
tunate clerk referred to above by killing Mr. O’ Brien. 
With this object in view these two men secured jobs 
in beam in 'the Alexandra Jute Mill at the monthly rate 
of Rs. 22/- each and also became the tnajhis of the boat 
of Mr. O’ Brien taking him every night to and from 
Chandernagore. Bui at the final stage the conspiracy 
fell through as the I. B. Watchers could sense the plot 
and get some of the conspirators arrested. 

The failure of the O’ Brien murder* conspiracy 
(March-May, 1914) was followed by the Rodda's arms 
theft conspiracy (August, 1914). On information 

49, For the genesis and early organization of the Attonnati Samiti 
and the Mukti Sangha see the Appendices. 

5(X Tegarfs printed nofte on the revolutionary movement in Rangpur, 
dated March 1, 1915. 



being supplied by Srish Mitra (alias Habu), Custom’s 
Sircar of Messrs Rodda & Co. and a follower of Anukul 
Mukherjee, that a large consignment of German 
Mausers had arrived at Calcutta for Rodda & Co., 
Srish Pal (alias Naren) and Anukul Mukherjee sum- 
moned a secret meeting of the various groups of revolu- 
tionaries on Augusit 24, 1914 at a small park in the 
Chatcnvala Gali between 9 and 10 p. m. Besides the 
conveners, others present in the meeting were Haridas 
Datta, Khagen Das, Naren Bhattacharya (alias M. N. 
Roy), Naren Ghose Choudhury, Srish Mitra, Biman 
Ghose (who later became Doctor at I ondon), Jag^t 
Gupta, Suresh Chakra varty (Barisal) and Ashu Roy 
(Pabna).®^ Considering the plot to be an obvious 
absurdity, Naren Bhattacharya and Naren Ghose 
Choudhury could not approve the design and left the 
meeting soon after its commencement. Others present 
gave their consent whereupon Srish Pal allotted to each 
his share of work on the date of occurrence scheduled 
for August 26, 1914. Suresh Chakravarty, Biman 
Ghose, Jagat Gupta and Ashu Roy were entrusted with 
keeping watch over the I. B. personnel in the vicinity 
of the Dalhousie Square, and if any danger from them 
was remotely sensed, Suresh Chakravarty, Biman 
Ghose and Jagat Gupta would then immediately supply 
information to Ashu Roy who, an adept in singing, 
would communicate the warning to Srish Pal, Khagen 
Das and Haridas Datta by singing. After this the 
meeting dispersed, and the ringleaders, viz., Srish Pal, 
Anukul Mukherjee, Haridas Datta and Khagen Das, 
assembled at Srish Mitra’s house in Srinath Das’s Lane 
at Bowbazar. The plan was then finalised. The role 

51. Of these Srish Pal Haridas Datta and Khagen Das betong^ to 
the Mukh San^^, Anukul Mukherjee, Sri^ Mitra, Biman Ghosh, 
Jagat Gupta ard Ashu Rc^ belonged to the Attcmnafi Sasniti, 
Naren Gho^ Choudhury and 9ure^ Chakraviaity beilofiged to the 
Barisal party and Naren Bhattacharya to the party led by 
Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee. 


assigned to Anukul Mukherjee was to supply a cart 
driven by a stout up-country bullock. Haridas Datta, 
assuming the role of a dumb Hindusthani Gmwan^^, 
would take the cart to the Dalhousie Square at about 12 
noon wherefrom Srish Mitra would catch it after scold- 
ing the Garwan for his delay, as if it had been hired 
by Srish Mitra beforehand. Srish Mitra, it was so plan- 
ned, would then escort the cart to the Custom’s House 
along wih six other carts driven mostly by buffalos, 
would take delivery of arms and ammunition and load 
the carts with them, the particular one to be loaded 
to its utmost; capacity by Mauser pistols, ammunition 
and other spare parts. Srish Pal and Khagen Das 
would go on both sides of Haridas Datta giving guard 
to him all along the route. 

.According to plan, next day after dusk Haridas 
Datta cut his hair after the fashion of a Hindusthani, 
wore an unclean short cloth and a genji and also had a 
brass locket on a black car fastened round his neck, 
thus visibly appearing as a typical Hindusthani Garwm 

In the morning of August 26, 1914, about 9 
o’clock, Anukul Mukherjee, Srish Pal, Srish Mitra, 
Haridas Datta and Khagen Das again met in the house 
of Anath Kaviraj at Malanga Lane (near Anukul 
Mukherjee’s house at 39, Malanga Lane) to have their 
last-minute talks and to give finishing touch to their 
preparations. Haridas Datta, Khagen Das and Srish 
Pal were then supplied with three loaded revolvers. A 
cart was brought by Anukul Mukherjee and a S^aJM was 
put on it to meet any untoward event. It was decided 
that if they were detected and opposed by the police, 
Srish Pal and Khagn Das would start firing, and in the 

52. IHIaiidaa Datta an expert cart'diiver iram his very boyhood. 
Hia family ait Rangpur owned two carts for the comict of its 
ibusineas. Althouifi^ he could spe^ , Hindi well, yet his dumbness 
was necessiated lest hiis prominciationi and accents should give duea 
to the enemies. 




meantime Haridas Daitta would open a^packed wooden 
box of Mausers by means of (the S^bd and provide 
Srish Pal, Khagen Das and himself with three Mauser 
pistols. The mechanism of Mausers had already been 
explained to Haridas Datta by Srish Pal. After this 
Srish Mitra left the meeting in order to appear in office 
in right time.®® 

Mr. Tegart in his note, dated August 29, 1914, has 
written the following : 

“Rodda & Co. cleared 202 boxes of goods from 
Customs godown ex. s. s. 'Ta Ctician’. They were taken 
delivery of by Rodda’s Customs Babu Srish Chandra 
Mitra on 26th and laden on 7 carts at Jelties : 6 carts 
arrived, 7th cart containing 10 packages is missing . . . 
Rodda’s Custom clerk S. Mitra has absconded since 
Wednesday 26th”. 

In another note, dated September 1, 1914 written 
to Mr. Colson, Mr. Tegart reveals further information : 

“8 cases Kynoch’s Mauser cartridges marked RBR, 
Nos. 396-403, each box contains 5,000 cartridges ; I case 
marked RBR, containing 6000 cartridges. I case 
marked RBR 828, containing 50 Mauser pistols, large 
size, stolen, on Wednesday the 26th. 

“The gang responsible for this theft is connected 
with Hem Ghose’s party in Dacca. . . The cartridge 
boxes measure (small boxes) 2' 6" by 1' 6”, and weigh 
lj4 mds. each, (big boxes) 4' by 2' 6", and weigh 2yz 
mds. each.®* 

As to the conspiracy leading to the theft Tegart 
writes further : 

“The conspiracy which culminated in this theft 
<:ommenced in March 1914, when we received informa- 
tion from a confidential source to the effect that two 
prominent members of Hem Ghose’s party, named 
Haridas Datta and Khagen Das, had been sent to 

53. The -nriter’s interview wilth Sri Haridas Datta: in Febraazy, 

54 TTie I. R Reoortb of the Govt, of West Bengal, F. N. 109(W914 



Calcuftta by Hem Ghose with object of arranging an 
atssassination on behalf of the revolutionary party”.®* 
According to Sri Haridas Datta of Hem Ghose’s 
party (Mukti Sangha), the cart driven by him followed 
the six other carts from the Custom’s House to Rodda’s 
office at the Dalhousie Square and then proceeded 
through Mango Lane, British Indian Street, Bentinck 
Street and Malanga Lane and safely unloaded the 
wooden boxes in the waste iron stock-yard of Kanti 
Mukherjee, a friend of Anukul Mukherjee, at Malang 
Lane, where Anukul Mukherjee of the Attonnati Samiti 
took delivery erf the goods. Srish Mitra alicksf Habu 
hurriedly joined the party midway after having given 
delivery of six cart-loads of arms to the office, and then 
left Calcutta in company of Srish Pal that very 
evening by the Darjeeling Mail. Srish Pal kept Habu 
under the care of Dr. Surendra Bardhan of the Mukti 
Sangha at the Nageswari village in the Rangpur dis- 
trict and returned to Calcutta by the next mail.*® 

The stolen packages were soon removed from 
Kanti Mukherjee’s iron stock-yard to the junction of 
Hideram Banerjee Lane and Jellepara Lane at Bow- 
bazer in a hackney carriage. Sri Satis De, then resid- 
ing at Dixon Lane, under instruction from Bipan 
Behari Ganguli, went to the spot in the evening accom- 
panied by Basanta Das and Jag^at Gupta, all of them 
having coolie dresses on,®’ They removed the boxes to 
Bhujanga Dhar’s house at 3 Jellepara Lane, and kept 

.55. Tegart’s printed note on the revolutionary movement in Rangpur, 

' dated March 1; 1915 (F. N. 239/15 of the 1. B. *Records, Govern- 
ment of West Bengal). 

56. No trace of Srish Mitra could be obtained dther by the police cff 
by his associates later. Sri Hem Ghose thinks that posdbly he died 
or was killed in hds attempted escape from India into foreign 

57, Satis De. then an M.Sc. student of the Presidency College and also 
a member of the Attonnati Samiti, was so instructed by Bipin 
GanguJi on his way home from the College in the evening^^tts 
two companions also lived in the same locality and were members 
of the same club. 


them in a small room on the ground floor under the 
stair case. These three men together with Bhujanga 
Dhar worked in that room till midnight, transferring 
■the arms and ammunition to a number of new steel 
trunks already brought there and burning the original 
packages and papers to ashes, and everything was im- 
mediately cleaned to avoid anybody’s suspicion. 

From the house of Bhujanga Dhar the boxes con- 
taining arms and ammunition were distributed from 
next morning to different revolutionary groups at 
various centres under the direction of Bipin Ganguli, 
Harish Sikdar and Anukul Mukherjee. The exact 
nature of the distribution of the Mausers and cartridges 
is not easy to ascertain at this stage. But the infor- 
mation gathered from different sources furnishes some 
clues as to the distribution of the stolen arms. 

Jadugopal Mukherjee removed one trunck contain- 
ing a number of Mausers the next night in a gharri 
(hackney carriage) to Nirjharini Sarkar’s house at the 
Shyambazar Street for its delivery to Narendra Nath' 
Bhattacharya. Naren Ghose Choudhury, the leader of 
the Barisal party, also secured a portion of Rodda’s 
stolen arms and ammunition. Sri Ranen Ganguli trans- 
ported a number of them from one place to another in 
Calcutta by motor cars of his own workshop and car- 
ried one box to Nalhati in the Birbhum district, keeping 
it with Nibaran Ghatak and his aunt Dukari Devi.®® 
Haridas Datta and Srish Pal also arranged for the safe 
custody of about 21,000 ammunition contained in II 
wooden boxes first kept in a hired room near Jora- 
began Thana, and then in a Marwari widow’s house 
near Barrabazar from which centre Haridas Datta 
was arrested in October of 1914. A large number of 
cartridges went also to Chandernagore. 

58. The faict has been derived from Sri Ranen Ganguli and k finds 
cdTohoFatiQn in official records too. 


On information received from Calcutta Moti Lai 
Roy, in consultation with Srish Chandra Ghose, sent 
two of his faithful associates, Satya Karmakar and his 
brother Bhola (or Rameswar De?) to Calcutta to receive 
a portion of Rodda’s consignments from a godown in 
Cotton Street. These two men, subsequently joined by 
Amar Roy at Calcutta, carried three truncks of arms 
and ammunition from the Cotton Street godown to 
Chandernagore via Ghugudanga and Sh)ramnagar. 
The munitions were transferred from packed wooden 
boxes to newly purchased 'truncks that were brought to 
Chandernagore?®. These facts suggest that the con- 
tainers of Rodda’s arms and ammunition had to be 
changed more than once while they were in the process 
of transit. A few Marwari friends of the revolution- 
aries, viz., Prabhudayal Himmatsinka, Fulchand etc., 
also took some important part in the disbursement of 
Rodda’s arms. 

These stolen Mauser pistols were gradually distri- 
buted throughout Bengal and even beyond, and came to 
be used in most of the violent incidents that took place 
since then. While commenting on this in his report 
dated February 18, 1915, Mr. Huges Buller, the I. G. 
of Police, Calcutta, wrote as follows : 

“We have every reason to believe therefore that 
these Mauser pistols have been distributed among the 
anarchists throughout the Province, and as they now 
possess 20,000 rounds of ammunition, (the rest having 
been captured by the police or used by the revoluthuh 
cries) it is* difficult to exaggerate the danger to which 
officials, police and the public are exposed. A Mauser 

59. Amar Dekha Biplab O Bipiebi by Moti Lai Roy and the miter's 
intmienr mtiii Sii Amar Roy of the Globe Nursery. Aoaxnting to 
Moti Lai Roy, Bholai Kaimakar of Chandemagore acoompanied 
the party TThile Amar Roy mentions the name of Rameswar De 
instead. Sri &tya Kannakar, however, caimot remember whetiier 
his brother Bhola went withi him. 



pistol is sighted up to 500 yards and if held straight, is 
a very formidable weapon”.®® 

This “very formidable weapon” of H. Buller's 
description proved to be a highly valuable asseit to the 
revolutionaries. Rash Behari Bose carried one such 
pistol as a defensive weapon since the Lahore conspi- 
racy of 1915. He delivered it to Sachindra Nath Sanyal 
and Girija Babu on the eve of his departure from India 
for Japan. In 1915 the Mauser pistols came to play 
an important role in the historic Balasore fight in which 
Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee and others laid down their 
lives. Among the other incidents in which the Mauser 
pistols were used by the revolutionaries may be men- 

tioned the following:®^ 




January 20, 1915 


(lcx>ted booty Nil). 




January 22, 1915 


(loote^d booty Rs. 4,170), 




January 23, 1915 


(looted booty Rs. 50,000). 




February 12, 1915 


(looted booty Rs. 18,000). 




February 20,1915 


(looted booty Rs. 25,000 
murder also committed). 




February 22, 1915 

(looted booty Rs. 22,000 
murder also committed). 




April 6, 1915 


(looted booty Rs. 500). 




April 11, 1915 


(looted booty Rs. 4,000). 




April 30, 1915 


(looted booty Rs. 2,700). 

60. Rqxirt by Mr. R. Hui^ies-Buller, Inapector General of Pidice 

(Boi«al), dated February 18. 1915 (F. N. 229/15). 

61. See F. Nos. 757/1'/, and 1647/17 in tihie I. B. Records of the Govt. 
oi West Bengal. 



10. Aurial, 



May 25, 1915 
(looted booty Rs. 4,250). 

11. Gazipura, 



June 5, 1915 
(looted booty Rs. 15,000). 

12. Haripur, 



Augufsit 14, 1915 
(looted booty Rs. 18,000 
murder also committed). 

13. Chandra- 


September 7, 1915 



, riooted booty Rs. 20,984). 

14. Chasa- 


September 9, 1915 



(armed fight with the police. 
Jyotin Mukherjee and Chitta- 
priya Roy Choudhury laid 
down their lives). 

15. Shibpur, 



September 30, 1915 
(looted booty Rs. 20,700— one 
constable and three villagers 
also killed and eleven others 

16. Cornwallis 


November 17, 1915 
(looted booty Rs. 800). 

17. Corporation 


December 2, 1915 
(looted booty Rs. 25,000). 

18. Sashierdighi, 



December 19, 1915 

19. Kaliachapra, 



December 22, 1915 
(looted booty Rs. 850). 

2C. Chowlpatti 


December 27, 1915 
(looted booty Rs. 750). 

21. Kartola, 



December 29, 1915 
(looted boo^ Rs. 15,000 — 
murder also committed). 

22. Dafferpur, 



March 3, 1916 

(looted booty Rs. 2,000). 

23. Dhanakati, 



June 9. 1916 

(looted booty Rs. 43,000). 

24. Bairagitola, 

Dacca town, 

June 23, 1916 
((two constables killed). 


25. Sambhunath Calcutta, June 30, 1916 

Pandit’s (Dy. Suptd. of Police killed). 


26. Salkia, District August 4, 1916 

HowTah, (armed clash with the police). 

27. Kalta Bazar, Dacca town, June 15, 1918 

(armed fight vrith the police, 
Tarini Majumdar and Nalini 
Bagchi laid down their lives 
after killing a Head Constable 
and seriously injuring one 
Sub-Inspector) . 

But, unfortunately, a good many of the stolen arms 
and ammunition of Rodda’s firm were from time to 
time recovered by the police. According to an official 
report of 1917, 960 rounds of the stolen ammunition 
were recovered from 3 Ramlal’s I-.ane, over 1,000 from 
61|ljl Wellington Street, and about 21,000 from 34, 
Sheo Thakur’s Lane, Barrabazar, where Haridas Datta 
was arrested. Three Mausers were recovered from 
Jyotin Mukherjee and his followers at the Chasa- 
Khand battle-field in Balasore, one from Jogendra 
Nath Bhattacharya who was arrested at 39, Pathuria- 
ghata Street (1916), one from Debendra Nath 
Choudhury who was caught with a fully-loaded Mauser 
and 30 rounds of ammunition, as well as one from 
Bhupendra Kumar Datta in May, 1917 in Calcutta. 
Besides, from the house of Tincowrie Banerjee at 
Gondalpara, Chandernagore, four Mausers and 241 
cartridges were recovered by the police on December 
1, 1916. From the house of Dukari Devi at Jhaupara, 
District Birbhum, “7 Mausers, 1100 old rounds of 
•cartridges and seditious literature, were found”. 
Another Mauser pistol was captured by the police from 
Jugal Kishore Datta in Salkia, Howrah (August, 
1916) and two more in Kalta Bazar held by Tarini 
Majumdar and Nalini Bagchi (June, 1918). In bpth 
these cases armed resistance was offered to the enemies 



by means of the Mausers. A few of the Mausers were 
also thrown into the Ganges under unavoidable circum- 
stances by the revolutionaries themselves. 


It has been already shown that towards the end 
of che 19th century the influence of Bal Gangadhar 
^'flak led to the formation of a party of violence in 
Maharashtra, the first overt act of which was the 
murder of the Messrs Rand and Ayerst, a Plague Com- 
missioner and a Lieutenant respectively, by Damodar 
and Balkrishna Chopekars (1897) who were subse- 
quently hanged. The lamp they lit was not, however, 
extinguished with their death. The cause was taken 
up by a band of fiery young men at Nasik of whom 
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar stood first and foremost. 
Even while a mere school boy, Savarkar had formed 
around him a small group known as the Mitra Mela 
(about 1900 A. D.) which a few years later grew into 
his famous Abhinav Bharat Society with ramifications 
at Bombay, Poona and Pen, and also at Aurangabad 
and Hyderabad in the Hyderabad State. The Judgment 
of the Special Tribunal in the Nasik Conspiracy Case 
shows that the Abhinav Bharat Society was a secret 
society which administered oaths to its members. It 
was founded on the model of the revolutionary societies 
in Russia. As a result of the search conducted at the 
house of Ganesh Savarkar, a brother of V. D. Savarkar 
and also an early member of the Mitra Mela, on March 
2, 1909, “a copy of Forost’s Secret Societies of the 
European Revolution, 1776-1876, was found, in which”, 
states the Judgment, “is described the secret organisa- 
tion of the Russian Nihilists, consisting of small circles 
or groups affiliated into sections, each member knowing 
only the members of the circle to which he belonged. 
This may explain the existence of various small groups 
of young men who are found in this case to have been 



working for the same objects and drawing weapons 
from the same source without personal acquaintance 
with the members of other groups”.®* 

The murder of Mr. Jackson, the District 
Magistrate of Nasik, (December 21, 1909) by Anant 
Lakshman Kanher was the work of the Aurangabad 
group of Abhinav Bharat Society, done with one of the 
twenty Browing pistols sent by V. D. Savarkar from 

The Nasik murder led to the Nasik Conspiracy 
Case in which thirty-eight persons including Vinayak 
Savarkar were tried by a Special Tribuhal. Savarkar 
was sentenced to transportation for life in December, 
1910, while twenty-six other persons received varying 
conviction ranging from transportation or imprison- 
ment from fifteen years to six months. The rest was 

An important ramification of the Nasik cons- 
piracy was the Gwalior conspiracy which was brought 
to light in connection with the arrest of Ganesh 
Savarkar at Bombay on February 28, 1909. The 
Gwalior branch was called the Nava Bharat Society. 
The rules of the Society, as stated by the Judgment of 
the Special Tribunal, approved of constitutional agita- 
tion and, parallel to it, of agitation that comprised of 
“target shooting, sword-exercises, preparation of 
bombs, dynamite, procuring revolvers, taking gymnas- 
tic exercises, running races, learning and teaching the 
use of weapons and missiles, travelling in different 
provinces and countries and getting information there- 
of. . . Should an occasion for a general rising in any 
province at a proper time arrive, all should help that 
cause and attain liberty”. Of the twenty persons con- 
victed in the Gwalior Conspiracy Case, the ringleaders 
G. L. Desai and T. G. Sawartwala were sentenced tO' 
seven years’ transportation. 

€Z. J. C Ker: Peiitkal Treubie In India: 1907-1917. 



Ever since the arrival of V. V. S. Aiyar, a political 
disciple of Savarkar, in Pondicherry from Paris (by 
November, 1910), Pondicherry became a foster ground 
of revolutionary conspiracy with political affiliation to 
the Paris group of Indian revolutionaries headed by 
Madame Cama. As the days of the Royal Coronation 
were approaching, V. V. S. Aiyar who was always in 
correspondence with Madame Cama, decided to strike 
a great blow at the bureaucracy by shedding English 
blood by violent methods. He issued ‘seditious’ leaflets 
from Pondicherry, and he inspired the minds of his 
associates, Viz., Nagaswami Aiyar and Balkrishna 
Aiyar of Pondicherry and also Vanchi Aiyar of 
Tinnevelly in that direction. It was this last-named 
person who murdered Mr. Ashe, the District Magis- 
trate of Tinnevelly, on June 17, 1911 in a railway 
carriage at Maniyachi junction in the Tinnevelly 
district. Vanchi Aiyar, a clerk in the Travancore 
Forest Department, committed suicide a few minutes 
later, while Mr. Ashe died after about half an hour 
of the firing. The real brain behind this assassination 
was undoubtedly V. V. S. Aiyar whose letter to.V. D. 
Savarkar, Prisoner, bearing Pondicherry postmark on 
the same date was significant. Undoubtedly, the letter 
\ras intended to convey to him a hint that the murder 
was the fruition of the policy of his Abhinav Bharat 
spirit. The jubilations of Madame Cama’s Bmde 
Matamm over the assassination were also significant. 
In course of a commentary the paper wrote in July, 
1911 thus : “Thank God His voice will not fall on 
deaf ears, because when the gilded slaves from 
Hindusthan were parading the streets of London as 
performers in the Royal Circus, and were prostrating 
themselves like so many clowns at the feet of the King 
of England, two young and brave countrymen of ours 
proved by heir daring deeds at Tinnevelly, and at' 
Mymensingh that Hindusthan is not sleeping”. The 


Mymensingh murder mentioned here refers to the 
murder of Sub-Inspector Raj Kumar Roy on June 18, 
1911. The next issue of the Bmde Maiktram also 
wrote in the same vein. The Tinnevelly murder gave 
rise to the Tinnevelly Conspiracy Case which was 
conducted by a Special Tribunal of the Madras High 
Court. The Judgment delivered on February 15, 1912 
• convicted nine of the accused fourteen while acquitting 
the rest.®® 


■Towards the close of the 19th century a general 
interest among Americans about India was created by 
the lecture tour of Swami Vivekananda, whose tradi- 
tion was successfully carried on by his worthy suc- 
cessor, Swami Abhedananda, through the Vedanta 
Society founded by the Swamiji at New York. 

At the beginning of the 20th century New York 
became a ceritre of anti-British intrigues. The activities 
of the Pan- Aryan Association (1906) formed by S. L. 
Joshi, a Mathathi Christian, and Mahomed Barka- 
taullah, a Mahomedan of Bhopal, those of Indo- 
'American National Association renamed as the Society 
for the Advancement of India (1907) founded by 
Myron H. Phelps, a Broadway lawyer, together with 
the activities of the Irish malcontents of the Clan-na- 
Gael and a visit paid by Madame Cama to New York 
in October, 1907, fostered a favourable background 
for Indians’ anti-British work in the city. George 
Freeman,- a discontented Irishman employed on the 
staff of the Gaelic American, who was in correspondence 
with Madame Cama and who received monthly financial 
help from her at one stage, rendered a great service to 
the cause of Indian revolutionaries “by way of distri- 
buting seditious literature and egging on Young Indians 

63. Ibid. 


61 . 

in New York and elsewhere 'to work for the downfall 
of British rule in India”. It has been stated that in 
1908 Freeman, S. L. Joshi and Barkataullah used to 
meet twice a week at Barkataullah’s house to discuss 
the Indian problems and 'that Freeman personally 
supiervised the publicaltion of Tarak Nath Das’s Free 
Hindusthcm at the office of ithe paper. But after the 
departure of Barkataullah for Japan (February, 1909) 
and of S. L. Joshi and Myron Phelps for India (March, 
1909) the centre of political activity for India gradually 
shifted from New York to San Francisco and its 

At the end of 1906 a large number of Indians, 
mostly Sikh labourers, artisans and cultivators from 
the Punjab, began to migrate into the Western coast 
of the U. S. A. and Canada in search of employment. 
But being expelled by a black-white labour conflict at. 
Bellingham and other places of the U. S. A., a large 
number of them took refuge in Vancouver, British 
Columbia. During 1907-13 a number of leaflets, 
periodicals and newspapers were issued by Indian 
leaders in America to incite discontent among Indian 
labourers (a large number of them being retired 
soldiers) in the U. S. A. and Canada. A Hindu named 
Ram Nath Puri of village Khem Karan in the Lahore 
district, who was employed as a watchman at a Cali- 
fornia hospital in 1906-07, worked as an interpreter to 
the large number of Sikh immigrants into that 
State. Early in 1907 he started a Hindusthan Associa- 
tion in San Francisco, with branches in Vancouver 
and Astoria, and issued a lithographed Urdu periodical 
called the Circular-i-Azadi (Circular of Freedom) first 
from San Francisco and then from Oakland (Cali- 
fornia) unitil it ceased to appear in 1908 for lack of 
funds. This Circular of Freedom stated the objects 
of the Association in the July and August' number of 
1907 as being “to impart instruction to Indians on 



national Hnes, to teach gun-firing, Japanese exercises, 
and the use of the spear, sword, and other weapons in 
aelf-defence, and to foster American sympathy with 
India”. It also quoted extracts from the Gaelic 
American and Indian newspapers with the manifest 
intention of creating disaffection against the British 
rule in India. About the same time Tarak Nath Das, 
a great revolutionary, published his own paper free 
Hindusthan which contained appeals to Indians to rise 
•up in arms against the British rule in India. 

But as Tarak Das’s piaper was written in English 
which was not intelligible to a large section of Indians 
in America, so a more direct appeal was made to the 
Sikh settlers in America through the publication of 
another paper in Gurmukhi, Swadesh Sewak (1909), 
being a monthly mouthpiece of Swadesh Sewak 
Home founded at Vancouver by G. D. Kumar who 
belonged to Bannu in the N. W. Frontier Province of 
India. The paper dealt with the grievances of the Sikh 
immigrants in Canada centring found the Immigration 
Laws and incited them to resort to arms for the redress 
of their grievances. The paper continued till 1911. 
Besides the propaganda carried on by such papers 
as the Pardeshi Kkalsa (The Sikh Abroad) in 
1910, the Arymi in 1911 and the Sansar (World) 
in 1912, Tarak Nath Das worked strenuously in 1912- 
13 by writing articles in his own paper and in Madame 
Cama’s Bande Mataram and also by undertaking 
extensive tour to keep aflame the growing discontent 
among the Indians in America. From Berkeley, Cali- 
fornia, Tarak Nath Das wrote to a leading member of 
the Indian revolutionary party the following letter 
(June, 1913) which read thus: “I am now working 
with the Sikh brothers in the actual field. I feel as I 
always felt and wrote to you that there is always a 
dearth of true workers who can work among the mass 
people (sic) the backbone of India. If Sirdar (sic) 



Singh is available and willing to come !fo United 
States I can send you a ticket from Europe to United 
States at any time. I have talked the matter with my 
Sikh friends, and they have promised to do all they 
can to carry on the work, but where is the real worker? 
Please do your best to send Sirdarji if it is at all 


The next stage in the movement is the advent of 
Hardyal in the U. S. A. in January, 1911 giving a 
new tone to th^ Indian activities there. Having left 
India in August, 1908, he spent some time at London, 
Oxford, Paris and Geneva. He met Krishnavarma 
and S. R. Rana at Paris and edited Madame Gama’s 
Bande Mataram at Geneva. Having served for a few 
months in the Stanford University at Palo Alto, Cali- 
fornia, as a Professor of Indian Philosophy and 
Sanskrit (February-September, 1912), Hardyal 
resigned his post and undertook extensive tour through 
California and Oregon fomenting anti-British feeling, 
particularly among the Sikh (and also Pathan) settlers 
in those States. 

The contents of Hardyal’s lectures at different 
places may be understood from the following summary 
notes taken from his ledture delivered at Astoria on 
June 4, 1913: “After the usual remarks about the 
drain of wealth from India and the consequent 
prevalence of famine and disease, he said that the 
Delhi durbar cost five million dollars while the people 
vrent himgry. . . Personal liberty was unknown in India, 

64. Ibid, It is pertinent to mention here that Sirdar Ajit Sngh who 
absconded to Persia in 1909 left tiiat oountiy in 1911 and settled 
at Lausanne, after a short visit to the Pixis group of revolu- 
tionaries!. as a teacher of Oriental Languages under the Persian 
alias of Milrza Hassan Khan. He again went to Paris in 1913 
and leti it for Rto-de-Janero in November, 1914. From there 
he sent Jodh Singh Mahajaii to B^lin in 1915. 


and the Government there was Hhe worst Government 
on the face of the earth’. Torture in prison was not un- 
common^ and there was no justice in the courts in cases 
between a Hindu and an Englishman. . . The Roman 
Empire, the Erench before the Revolution, or even the 
Russian Empire was not worse than the British 
Government in India. It could not be reformed and 
it must be abolished. . . AH' were invited to help in 
teaching this poor people to rise against the tyrant 
Government. He called it the British Vampire not the 
British Empire. . . ” 

A momenitous step taken by Hardyal at this stage 
was the foundation of a society at San Francisco 
popularly called the Ghadr party and the issue of a 
weekly as the organ of the society named the Ghadr 
(Mutiny). In spite of some valuable work done by 
many persons in America preceding Hardyal’s arrival, 
it cannot be doubted that Hardyal was the real founder 
of fthe Ghadr party and the paper. About 1908 a 
group of Indian students had clustered round Tarak 
Nath Das engaged in the propagation of Indian 
nationalism. In December, 1912 a convention of Indian 
students was held at Chicago in which an association, 
called the Hindusthan Association of America, was 
founded. Its membership comprised such names as 
Tarak Das, Surendra Mohan Bose, Sudhin Bose, P. S. 
Rhankhoje, Basanta Kumar Roy, Baneswar Das, 
Surendra Nath Kar, Keshav Das Shastri, R. Ahmed, 
V. P. Ai 3 rar, P. C. Mukherjee, S. N. Deb Barman, 
Adhar Chandra IvTaskar, H. K. Rakshit, A. S. Hardikar, 
and Laxman Prasad Varma. The association published 
a monthly org^n called The Hindusdhanee Student 
fjom Berkeley, California.®® Sudhin Bose, at one stage 
president of the association, described it as “most 
emphatically an educational, not a political, organisation 

€6L See the I. B. Records of tiio Govt, of West Bengal, F. N. lOS/1^. 



’whatsoever”.®® Sri Jitendra Nath Lahiri, who took 
admission as a student of Organic Chemistry in the 
University at Berkeley in 1913, has informed the 
present writer that besides Tarak Nath Das who had 
a small secret group of his own,®^ he himself organized 
a rifle club with the Indian students at Berkeley in 
1913. But in spite of such spade work done by indivi- 
dual men, it was undoubtedly Hardyal, states Sri 
Lahiri, who founded the Gkadr party of which Sri 
l..ahiri himself was a member. The Judgment in the 
Lahore Conspiracy Case (1915) quoted Nawab Khan’s 
description in enumerating the name and composition 
of the socielti^. According to it, the society consisted 
of Sohan Singh (President), Karam Baksh (Vice- 
President), Hardyal (Secretary), Munshi Ram (Asstt. 
Secretary) and Kashi Ram (Asstt. Secretary) as well 
as Kesar Singh, Balwant Singh and Nawab Khan as 
members. The society of revolutionaries was called the 
‘Hindi Association of the Pacific Coast* and its publi- 
cation centre was named the Juganiw Ashram. It 
decided to issue its paper Ghadr from San Francisco 
from November 1, 1913. Evidently, the name Jugantar 
Ashram was influenced by the ‘Jugantar’ ideal of the 
Bengal revolutionaries as preached to the Punjabis by 
Jatindra Nath Banerjee during his tour in the Punjab 
in 1906. As Mr. Ker writes : “When the news of the 

66. The Modem Reviem far September, 1917. 

67. To the secret group of Tarak Naith Das belonged such men as 
Suren Bose, Swamai Mitra, Suren Kar, Adhar Nadsar. etc. 
Surendrai Mohon Bose, who was a Chemist, sent from Chicago 
in 1913 to Hamam Singh (of Sahri) in Vancouver notes and 
fonmiulae of his own for making bomibsi and. knowing that they 
have not reached his hands he again sent to him a oopy of a 
Russian bomb manual from Paris in January, 1914 through the 
medium of Surendra Nath Kar. In his letter to Hlamam Singh 
he wrote thus: “In this package I am sending you a very valuable 
copy of the process used by the Russian revolutionists. It is a 
very valuable oopy, so do not lose it After you are through with 
it, or have made a copy, send it registered to Dr. C. Chakravarty, 
4^. R. 141 St. Street, New York'\ G. D. Kumar in a letter to 
Tarak Das (1913) referred to this Harnaztx Singh as a leader of the 
revolutionary movement in Vancouver. 




attempt to assassinate the Viceroy at Delhi on 23rd 
December, 1912, reached Berkeley, Hardyal is said to 
have claimed credit for it as the work of his party; 
there is little doubt that he was the author of the 
Juffantar Circular shortly afterwards issued from Paris . 
in praise of the bomb-thrower”. 

The first issue of the Ghadr, dated November 1, 
1913, described itself as ‘the enemy of the English Raj, 
and announced that it would be issued weekly in Urdu 
and Gurmukhi. The first page had the following words 
on the top: 

“O brave men! Indian young men! Take up arms 
soon”. The aims and objects of the paper were set forth 
in the leader entitled ‘Our Name and Work’. It 
wrote: “...a new epoch opens to-day, the 1st of 
November 1913, in the history of India, because there 
commences a war today in foreign lands against the 
English Raj in the country’s tongue. This is an auspi- 
cious day, in that the word Ghadr which is to root out 
English oppression, appears on (the title-page of) this 
paper in Urdu and Gurmukhi (character)”. 

It further states : “What is our name? The 
Ghadr. In what does our work consist? (In bringing 

about) a rising Where will (this) rising break 

out? In India. When will (it) break out? In a few 
years. Why should (it) break out? Because the people 
can no longer bear the oppression and tyranny prac- 
tised under English rule and are ready to fight. and 
die for freedom. It is the duty of every Indian to 
make preparations for this rising”. 

The first issue of the GJmdr also contained an 
article under the caption of “English Rule Exposed: 
Some Plain Things” which gave a graphic picture of the 
economic exploitation of India by the British and sug- 
gested the remedies in the leader “Our Name and 
Work”. The second issue of the Ghcdr (November 
8, 1913) also reprinted this article and stated in the 


leader, ‘Our Du!ty and Your Duty’, that the Gkadr 
conveyed to “the nation” once a week the message of 
rebellion which is “brave, outspoken, unbridled (and) 
swift-footed”. It is “lightning”, a “storm” and a “flame 
•cf fire”. The article further stated : “Wc are India’s 
voice, which the tyrant has suppressed within the 
country. We are a resume, of all those lectures which 
would have been delivered in every city, if our patriots 
had been out of jail to-day. We are the successor of 
all those newspapers which have been suppressed, but 
the memory of which will ever remain in the history 
of India”.®* • 

In the conduct of the paper Hardyal was soon 
joined by Ram Chandra Peshwari of the Peshwar dis- 
trict, who had left India in 1911 and made his way 
from Japan to Seattle, California, in March, 1913. 
Soon he made himself prominent in the circle of the 
Jugmvtar Ashram, and at a dinner given in his honour 
by Hardyal on January 16, 1914 the latter announced 
the transfer of editorship of the paper from his hands 
to those of his honourable guest. 

Through the persistent propaganda of the Ghadr 
and the extensive lecture tour of Hardyal and Ram 
Chandra, the Ghadr spirit spread far and wide in 
America and even in India. After Hardyal’s flight to 
Switzerland while a case against him was still pending 
(March, 1914), Ram Chandra Peshwari became the 
chief figure in the JugaMar Ashram and was soon 
joined by Bhagwan Singh and Barkataullah who had 
arrived from Japan at San Francisco on jMay 22, 1914. 

Meanwhile, the spread of ‘sedition’ round the ques- 
tion of immigration continued unabated in Canada in 
which prominent role was played by C. K. Varma, a 
Hindu of Kathiawar under the guise of Husain Rahim 

€8. An aibstract of the first tm issues of the Ghadr, publi^ed by the 
Jugantar Ashram, San Frandsco, U.S.A. — ^Vide the I. B. Records 
of the Govt, of West Ben^l, F. N. 586/1914. 


and by Raja Sn^h of the Hoshiarpur district of the 
Punjab. This ultimately resulted in the Komag^ti^a 
ilfiom expeditiop led by Gurdit Singh, which, starting 
from Hongkong on April 4, 1914 with 165 passengers 
and collecting new passengers on the way and which 
being addressed and incited by Barkaltaullah and Bhag- 
wan Singh at Yokohama, arrived at Vancouver port 
on May 23, 1914. But' as the passengers were prevented 
from landing under the Immigration Law, the ship 
left Vancouver for India and appeared on the Hooghly 
near Calcutta in September, 1914. After the initial 
faraphernalia of official search required by the exists 
ing rules, the ship went to Budge Budge on September 
29 wherefrom its Sikh passengers, numbering about 
'250, started to march to Calcutta in a body def3ring the 
police orders. In the inevitable clash that followed men 
on both sides lost their lives. Besides, two Europeans 
were killed, six more were injured, including Sir 
Frederick Halliday, Police Commissioner of Calcutta, 
Mr. R. Humphreys of the Punjab Commission and Mr. 
D. Petrie of the Punjab Police.®® 

The Komagata Mm'u incident not only sent a thrill 
of sensation through India, but also gave a great fillip 
to the Ghadr movement in the U. S. A, On Hardyal’s 
departure from the American scene the tradition of 
his lecture tour was kept up by Ram Chandra, Barka- 
taullah, Bhagwan Singh and also by Govind Lai of 
Delhi. These meetings as reported in the Ghadr may 
be indicated as followsi.^® : 

1. Berkeley, Feb. 1, itportedinGAoidrof Feb. 10, 1914 

2. Stockton, Feb, IS, reported in Gfeidr of Feb. 17, 1914 


3. Another meeting on 
Feb. 16, 1914 

69. J. C. Ker: PoPiical Trouble In India:. 1907-1917. 

70. The Judgment in the Lahore Conspiracy Case, dated Septeiidi>ec 13, 


4. Sacramento, March 4, TvpotteAmGhadrol March 10, 1914 

S'. Sacramento, announced in Ghadroi March 17, 1914 

March 22, 1914 

6. San Frandsco, reported in GAodr of March 31, 1914 

March 25, 1914 

7. Meetings at Astoria, 

March-April, 1914 

8. Alesandro reported in GAorfr of April' 21, 1914 

(Los Angels), 

March 26, 1914 

9. Stockton, April 13, announced in Ghadroi March 31, 1914 

1914 , 

10. Fresno, Upland, reported in GAcfdr of A^ayl9, 1914 
Oxnard, Los Angels 

May 10, 1914 

11. Astoria, June 7, 1914 reported in GAodr of June 16, 1914 

12. Wina, June 9, 1914 reported in GAodr of June 16, 1914 

13. Washington reported in Gfeidr of July 14, 1914 

(Oregon) , June 1 1, 


Aberdeen, June 13, 


Seattle, June IS, 1914 

14. Portland, June 14, reported in GAodr of June 13, 1914 

15. S^tooo, July 3, reported in GAodr of July 14, 1914 

16. Elton (California), reported in G/iodr of July 14, 1914 

July 5, 1914 

Jersey (California), July 14, 1914 

July 7, 1914 

17. Oxnard, July 26, 1914 reported in Ghadroi * |August4, 1914 

18. Fresno, August 9, aniKtimcedinGAorfrof August4, 1914 

Sacramento, August 4, 1914 

August 11, 1914 

19. Stockton, August, 


20. Portland, August -7, 



21. Fresno, Sept. 22, as rqxsrted in the Sept. 23, 1914 

1914 Prestto Republican of 

22. Special articles' on published in of July 28 and 

war August 4, 1914. 

The chief orators in these meetings were obvious- 
ly Ram Chandra, Bhagwan Singh and Barkataullah 
who, true to the tradition of Hardyal, spread the Ghadr 
spirit among their audience, and as soon as the war 
broke out, they made arrangements to send large 
batches of Sikhs to India in order to foment a general 
rising. While an advance party including! Kartar Singh 
arrived at Colombo by the middle of September, 1914 
to prepare in the Punjab a suitable ground for an 
ewntual rising, big arrivals of Ghadr men took place 
by s. s. Tashi M<aru and s. s. Mashima. Maru reach- 
ing Calcutta and Colombo respectively on October 29 
and October 25, 1914. Fresh batches followed suit by 
subsequent ships, of which mention may be made of 
s. s. Salamis which carried, among others, Sohan Singh, 
Pingley and Balwant Singh. 

This was the Punjab background in which Rash 
Behari Bose proceeded to engineer a revolution with 
its base at Lahore in February, 1915. 

“By the end of 1915”, writes Mr, Ker, “all the 
niore enterprising Sikhs had left America for India, 
and practically all the real leaders had sought fresh 
woods and pastures new either in the pay of Germany 
or in promoting the various schemes of the Ghadr 
party for creating a rising in India from places in the 
Far East through Siam and Burma. Those who were 
engaged in latter movement kept in more or less casual 
touch witii Ram Chandra, but when he was left to him- 
self in San Francisco his influence declined, and in 
1916 the quarrels and disagreements usual in all cons- 
piracies which have not an efficient h,ead began to 
break out.” One of the chief centres of opposition to 



Ram Chandra was the Khalsa Diwan (Sikh Assembly) 
the first grievance of which against him was that he 
was diverting the funds of the party to San Francisco 
vv'hich would have otherwise been devoted to the local 
temple and, secondly, that they were called upon to con- 
tribute largely to a movement in the control of which 
they had hardly any share. 

Within the Ghadr party Bhagwan Singh also led 
a faction against Ram Chandra. By obtaining the 
possession of the old Ghadr premises at 1324, Valencia 
Street Bhagwan Singh began to issue the paper since 
February 20,* 1917, while Ram Chandra by setting up 
a new press at 1017, Valencia Street, published the 
first number of his new Ghadr on February 7, 1917. 
Besides, charges were brought against Ram Chandra 
for misappropriation of Ghadr funds which were not 
altogether without basis, as he himself admitted 
in a meeting at San Francisco on January 6, 1917 that 
“the money received from Germany had not been ai> 
plied to the objects for which it was given, and that 
false accounts and reports had been sent to Germany; 
he excused himself on the interesting and remarkable 
ground that the Indian advisers of the Germans in 
Berlin were Bengalis”. All these developments had 
been alienating the sympathy of Americans from the 
movement and reports against it began to appear in- 
cs'easingly in the press. The last and final blow to the 
Ghadr movement was struck by the fact of America’s 
entry into the First World War in 1917 on the side of 
the Anglo-French Powers, and this in its turn was 
followed by the arrest of good many Ghadr men in the 
U. S. A. leading to the historic San Francisco Trial 
during 1917-1918. 


While things were shaping themselves thus in 
America, European capitals were also utilised by 



Indian revolutionaries for organizing anti-British cons- 
piracies. They had their bases, first at London and 
Paris, and later at Berlin. Shyamji Krishna Varma, 
S. R. Rana, Mrs. V. R. Cama and V. D. Savarkar for- 
med the earliest band of Indian revolutionaries work- 
ing in Europe.. Krishna Varma, a man of Kathiawar, 
founded the “India Home Rule Society”, with himself 
as President, at London as early as January, 1905 and 
brought out as the monthly organ of the Society the 
Indian Sociologist through which he gave voice to the 
grievances and problems of India. Another important 
service rendered by Krishna Varma was his Fellowship 
project (1905-06) which, supplemented by three Fel- 
lowships offered by S. R. Rana from Paris, attracted 
a number of Indian students to London in the first 
decade of the twentieth century. His ‘India House' 
(July 1, 1905), ostensibly a hostel of Indian students, 
soon turned into a centre of Indian revolutionaries, 
where Sunday meetings were regularly held and topics 
of revolutionary significance discussed. The arrival of 
V. D. Savarkar with an award of Rana's Shivaji 
Fellowship, at London in July, 1906 and the withdra- 
wal of Krishna Varma from England to Paris (1907) 
following the threat of British official action against 
him, gave a new tone to the India House politics. 
Savarkar, who was placed in charge of the India House 
by Krishna Varma, soon started there a branch of his 
Abhinav Bharat Society and formed before long a party 
of violence advocating open rebellion against the alien 
rulers. The arrival in London of a group of Extremist 
leaders from India at this stage, viz., G. S. Khaparde 
of Amraoti, Lala Lajpat Rai, Hardyal and Ram Bhuj 
Datta from the. Punjab, and B. C. Pal from Calcutta 
(September, 1908), warmed up the activities of the 
India House. 

In course of a discu.ssion at the India House on 
November 8, 1908 on the subject of “Are We Really 



Disarmed?” Savarkar pointed out that “in spite of 
the Arms Act there was plenty of warlike material in 
India. He instanced the Native States and Native 
troops which, he said, would be sufficient to overpower 
and drive the British out of India. What was wanted 
was adtive work in the Native States and among the 
native troops, and it would be the duty of every Indian 
leaving these shores for India to work in that direction. 
^he advent of the bomb had terrified the British public, 
‘we must teach our people to hate the foreign oppressor 
and success is sure’.” This was followed by the publi- 
cation of Savarkar ’s historic book entitled The Indian 
War Of Independence Of 1857 by ‘An Indian Nationa- 
list’ (1909), many copies of which were sent to India 
under disguise. The Mutiny celebrations in the India 
House, first organised on May 9, 1905, became an 
annual affair since then, and on one such occasion on 
May 10, 1909 Savarkar delivered a passionate lecture 
exhorting Indians to take up arms against the British 
tyrants following the example of the heroes of 1857. 
As the character of the India House politics assumed a 
more and more radical turn, the attendance at its 
regular meetings began to decline, although a select 
few clustered round Savarkar and also started revolver 
shooting practice at a range in Tottenham Court Road. 
One of them was Madan Lai Dhingra who suffered 
execution at the hands of the British Government on a 
■charge of murdering William Curzon Wyllie, Political 
Aide-de-Camp at the India Office, at the Impjerial Ins- 
titute on July 1, 1909. A lengthy statement by Dhingra 
found in his pocket and which was afterwards printed 
in large numbers and widely circulated has been proved 
by its style to have been the work of Savarkar. It was 
worded thus : “I attempted to shed English blood inten- 
tionally and of purpose, as an humble protest against 
the inhuman transportations and hangings of Indian 

74 . 


“In this attempt I consulted none but my own 
conscience ; conspired with none but my own duty. 

“I believe that a nation unwillingly held down by 
foreign bayonets is in a perpetual state of war. Since 
open battle is rendered impossible I attacked by sur- 
prise — since cannon could not be had I drew forth and 
fired a revolver. 

“ . . . The only lesson required in India is to learn 
how to die and the only way to teach it is by dying 
alone. . . . 

“It is my favourite prayer, may I be reborn of the 
same mother and may I redie in the sanfe sacred cause, 
till my mission is done and she stands free for the 
good of humanity and to the glory of God.” 

Although the authorship of the above statement 
could not be proved in court, yet it was the confirmed 
opinion of the authorities that the plot was planned and 
directed by Savarkar himself. 

Another important service rendered by Savarkar 
to the cause of Indian revolution was the despatch of 
t'7/enty Browning pistols with ammunition to India 
through a Bombay man, Chatturbhuj Amin, and they 
had been purchased at Paris through the instrumen- 
tality of S. R. Rana. Chatturbhuj Amin, a cook at the 
India House, took them concealed at the false bottom 
of his box and delivered them to G. K. Patankar, a 
member of the Nasik group of revolutionaries (March, 
1909). It may be noted in this connection that one uf 
these pistols was used in the murder of Mr. Jackson, 
the District Magistrate of Nasik, at a farewell party 
at the Vijayanand Theatre by a Maratha Brahmin 
named Anant Lakshman Kanher on December 21, 1909. 
Both Kanher and his two accomplices, Karve and 
Deshpande, fared death by hanging, thus setting up- 
inspiring examples to the prospective martyrs of India. 

After the an*est of Savarkar (March 13, 1910) 
under the Fugitive Offenders Act followed by the frus- 



tration of his attempted escape, V. V. S. Aiyar and 
Virendra Chalitopadhyay, both being political disciples 
of Savarkar, became the most important figures in 
England. But as the political atmosphere of England 
appeared more and more incongenial to them, they too 
retired from England to Paris respectively in April 
and June, 1910. With their retirement the movement 
in England virtually came to an end, and Paris turned 
into the chief centre of Indian revolutionary activities 
in Europe. 

Two prominent Indians living at Paris at that 
time were S. 'R. Rana, a Rajput of Kathiawar, and 
Mrs. V. R. Cama, a Parsi of Bombay. The greatest 
service rendered by Ranaji to the cause of Indian 
revolution was in the form of providing funds and 
arms to it as well as an asylum to the revolutionaries 
at Paris. Hem Chandra Das of Midnapore, who had 
been to Paris in 1906 for learning bomb-making, was 
greatly helped by Ranaji in numerous ways. Ranaji 
not merely provided shelter to him (along with P. M, 
Bapat) at his own residence, but also supplied him with 
cyclostyled copies of Russian and Polish formulae of 
bomb manufacture translated into Itnglish. An enthu- 
siastic admirer and supporter of Madame Cama, Ranaji 
organized in collaboration with the former a protest 
meeting at Paris (May 11, 1907) against the deporta- 
tion of Lala Lajpat Rai out of British India. Madame 
Cama delivered a fiery speech at that meeting. 

The ‘seditious’ speeches of Madame Cama at 
the India House, London, in 1908 and ‘her persistent 
endeavour in the printing and circulation of revolu- 
tionary literature made herself notorious in the eyes of 
the British bureaucracy. Her monthly paper Bande 
Mataram was diredted to revolutionary propagandism 
till 1914. Besides, shie was a great adviser and 
financial supporter of many Indian revolutionaries 
v/ith whom she held frequent corresppndence. That 



Madame Cama was a spiritual inspirer, if not direct 
instigator, of Mr. Ashe’s murder (June, 1911) is 
•evidenced by her violent writing in ithe April, 1911 
issue of Bande wherein she, after making a 

reference to the Nasik murder of Mr. Jackson (1909), 
the murder of H§ad Constable Srish Chakravarty at 
Calcutta (1911) and the attempted bomb outrage at 
Dalhousie Square (1911), wrote the following: 

“Dealing with villains like these, an Indian 
must throw to the winds all the ordinary rules of 
warfare. . . In a meeting or in a bupgalow, on the 
railway or in a carriage, in a shop or in a church, 
in a garden or at a fair, wherever an opportunity 
comes, Englishmen ought to be killed . . . The 
great Nana Sahib understood this, and our friends 
the Bengalis have also begun to understand”.'^^ 
Another signal service rendered by Madame Cama 
to the nationalist cause of India was that she raised a 
ijational flag of India, made by herself, at the Inter- 
national Socialist Conference at Stuttgart in Germany 
(August 18, 1907) and there delivered an impassioned 
speech advocating the cause of India’s freedom. She 
also moved a resolution to that effect which was not, 
however, passed. At the outbreak of the World War I 
both Ranaji and Madame Cama were interned. As for 
Krishna Varma, it is necessary to note that he did not 
take any major pant in revolutionary activities at Paris 
until his retirement to Geneva shortly afterwards. His 
hidicm Sociologist, however, continued to be published 
from London under Savarkar’s guidance till 1909, when 
it was transferred to Paris and finally to Geneva. 

V. V. S. Aiyar of Trichinopoly who was the right- 
hand man of Savarkar in England, left Paris for 
Pondicherry^ (October, 1910) in the guise of a 

71. Politieal Trouble In India: 1907-1917. 



Mahomedan, wHile V. Chattopadhyay went to Germany 
in 1914 for prosecuting higher studies, 


With the outbreak of the World War I the focal 
point of India’s revolutionary movement was no longer 
Paris but Berlin. It centred round the activities of 
"Berlin-India Committee (formed in September, 1914) 
by Indians in Germany with the official co-operation 
of the German Government, Although it was a part of 
the German policy at that time to actively help Indian 
revolutionaries organize an armed rising against the 
British Indian' Government, no practical step had yet 
been taken till the outbreak of the War (August 4, 
1914). The efforts of two Bengali revolutionaries, 
Virendra Chattopadhyay and Abinash Chandra Bhatta- 
charya (living at Halle, but starting work in Berlin 
from September 3, 1914), soon re-inforccd by Chanji 
Kersasp, Dhirendra Kumar Sarkar and N. S. Marathe 
(all living in Berlin at that time) seeking the assistance 
of the German Government to the cause of Indian 
revolution during the war period, elicited great 
enthusiasm from the German Foreign Office and 
culminated in the formation of the Berlin-India Com- 
mittee in September, 1914. The members on the Com- 
mittee were V. Chattopadhyay, Abinash Bhattacharya,. 
Dr. Gyanendra Chandra Das Gupta, Champak Raman 
Pillai,’^® Dr. Bishnu Suktankar (Vice-President), Dr. 
Joshi, Gopal Paranjpe, Karandikar, Mansur Rahman, 
Prof. Srish Chandra Sen, Satis Chandra Roy, 

72. Champak Raman Pillai, a Tamil Boy, caime from* India to Switzer* 
land in 1908 with Sir Walter Strickland, a Yorkshire baronet, who 
became viery much anti-British in feeling and was in correspon- 
denice with Krishna Varma as well as a contributor to his Indian 
Socialagist. In June, 1912 a body called “International Pro-India 
Committee” was fbiined at Zurich with Pillai as President, Dr. 
Briesse Vice-President, and Strickland, Krishna Varma and Karl 
Bleibtreu assessors. Its major function was to contribute anti- 
Briftish artides to the Swiss and German press. The Committee 
then issued a natic^ist magazine called Pro-India, 



Sambhasiv Rao, Dhirendra Kumar Sarkar (Secretary), 
Chanji Kersasp, N. S. Mara the and Herr Albercht 
Ballin (President), and Baron Oppenheim (Vice- 
President). The last-named person represented the 
Cerman Foreign Office on the Committee and was 
precisely the man whose interest and assistance led to 
its birth. It need be noted here that C. R. Pillai had 
also started a parallel move in Zurich in September, 
1914. Pillai as President of the International Pro- 
India Committee approached the (German Consul at 
Zurich and gave him an outline of the Indian revolu- 
tionary movement. The German Congul promised to 
communicate his proposal to the German Government. 
Pillai soon came to Berlin and became a member of the 
Berlin-India Committee. Through the organization 
of the Committee the German Foreign Office stood 
committed to the despatch of arms and ammunition 
and, if necessary, trained personnel too to the Indian 
shores as well as financial help to the Indian revolu- 
tionaries in and outside India. A circular was also 
prepared in different Indian languages. The members 
who had knowledge of Chemistry began to learn the 
art of preparing powerful explosives at Spandau, while 
others contacted the captured prisoners of war brought 
to Germany from the Middle East.''® 

After the initial spade work was over, it was 
decided to send messengers both to America and India 
to contact Indian revolutionaries there. Dhiren Sarkar 
and N. S. Mara the went to America with code instruc- 
tion written on the inside of the cloth linings of their 
coats to the German embassy at Washington. Satis 
Chandra Roy, Sambhasiv Rao, Dr. Joshi, Srish Chandra 
Sen, Abinash Chandra Battacharya and three others 
left for India.’'* At this stage Dr. Mueller and V. 

73. Etmpe Bharatiya Biplaber SadhOm by Dr. Abina^ Qiandra 
Bhattacharya (Oalduitta, 1958, Chai>ter VII). 

74. Ibid. Also see Aprakasita Rajneetik liihas by Dr. Bhiupendra 
Nath Datta (Calcutta, 1953), pp. 3-10, 



Chattopadhyay became its Secretary and a Vice- 
President respectively. Meanwhile, Jitendra Nath 
Lahiri, Bhupendra Nath Datta, Tarak Nath Das, Lala 
Hardyal, Md. Barkataullah, Heramba Lai Gupta, Dr. 
Abdul Hafiz, Dr. M. G. Probhakar, Jodh Singh 
jMahajan, Trimul Acharia, C. K. Chakravarty and 
many other became niembers of the Committee at 
•tlifferent Stages. Jitendra Nath Lahiri has informed 
■the present writer that under instruction from Dhiren 
Sarkar and N. S. Marathe, he started from Berkeley 
for Berlin with passport and money from the German 
Consul at New^York. In December, 1914 he reached 
Berlin and found the Committee to be an independent 
organization known as the Indian Independence Com- 
mittee owning collective responsibility. The liaison 
between the Indians and the German Foreign Office 
headed by Zimmermann and assisted by Wesendonk 
was Baron Oppenheim. V. Chattopadhyay was the 
Secretary to the Committee during 1915-16 and 
Bhupendra Nath Datta during 1916-1918. 


In America, the Committee's work was mainly 
directed to the chartering of a steamship, M'OUferick, 
for carrying arms to India which however proved to 
be a failure in the long run. Heramba Lai Gupta and 
later C. K. Chakravarty (since January, 1916) was in 
charge of the American affairs. The Ghadr party 
worked in close co-operation with the schemes 
sponsored by the I. I. C., approved and financed by the 


In the Middle East, the activities of tl^ Indian 
Independence Committee (I. I. C.) were directed in 
four different directions, viz., Bagdad, Suez Canal, 
Persia and Afghanisthan. 

80 TWO (Seat Indian REVoumoNAitiEs 

According to Bhupendra Nath Datta, early in 
1915 the I. I. C. sent a Mission led by Barlcataullah, 
Tarak Nath Das and Kersasp to Istamboul to devise 
ways 'and means to work in Western Asia. The delega- 
tion waited upon Enver Pasha who received it very 
cordially and appointed Ali Bey of Tashkilat-i- 
Makshusa (Eastern wing of the War Office) to 
provide all facilities to it. By keeping one or two at 
Istamboul the Mission divided itself into two, one 
proceeding towards Syria and another towards Bagdad 
in Mesopotamia. In Mesopotamia these men tried to 
come into touch with the Indian soldiers, secretly 
spreading anti-British leaflets, booklets etc. among them. 
The Bagdad Mission headed by Dr. Mansur was able 
to collect about 100 sepoys who had fled from their 
camps and to organize them into a national volunteer 
corps.’® In a letter dated July 4, 1916 the members 
of the I. I. C. from Constantinople informed the head 
office at Berlin that through the mediation of Enver 
Pasha the War Office of Turkey had consented to the 
organization of a Volunteer Legion by Indians. The 
Turkish authorities, the letter continued, at first 
wanted it to be incorporated in the Turkish army 
v/ithout its separate identity and for its use for 
Turkish piurposes. But later they consented to the 
Indian scheme to collect as many able-bodied Indians 
as possible to form Volunteer Legion, which would 
make its way through Southern Mesopotamia to the 
Indian frontier, fighting the English forces in Persia, 
if necessary. “Our whole object is not a military 
action which is obviously impossible by mere Volunteers 
but a political action calculated to exercise a moral 
influence on the Indian people”.’® Another letter from 

75. Ibid, pp. 41-57. 

76. MateiM erf the German Foreign Ministry Archive during 1667- 
1620. as imicFcrfilmed by American Cdmimttee for the study of War 
Dodumenta (A. C. P.), and preserved in the Naitional Axxihivea 
of Indi^, Reel No. 399. 


Constantinople, dated July 22, 1916 and addressed to 
General Von Lossow, Imperial German Embassy, 
Constanitinople, gives us further details about it. The 
letter reads in part as follows: 

“One of the chief objects we had in view in sending 
the mission consisting of Dr. Mansur & oithers to 
Bagdad was to carry on a vigorous anti-English 
propaganda in Mesopotamia and see to what extent it 
would be possible to obtain volunteers for our proposed 
Legion. We have now received information from 
three sources regarding the progress made in this 
direction : — 

1. From Ali Bey Bash Hampa of the Tashkilat- 
i-Makhsusa (Special Department of the War 

2. From the telegrams sent by Dr. Mansur to us 
. through the German Embassy, as well as the 

information sent by the German Consul at 
Bagdad to t|ie Ambassador. 

3. From the telegrams sent; directly to us by Dr. 
Mansur through the Tashkilat. 

“Ali Bey Bash Hampa reports that he accompanied 
H. E.' Enver Pasha to. Bagdad and presented to Dr. 
Mansur and party to His Excellency as well as to the 
Commandant at Bagdad, H. E. Khalil Pasha. H. E. 
Enver Pasha told H. E. Khalil Pasha to let the Indians 
have the freedom to organise a Legion if they could. 
Khalil Pasha thereupon agreed to give us the neces- 
sary freedom of action, but expressly stated that he 
would have no Volunteers in the Ottoman Army as 
they were merely a hindrance. We would have no 
objection of their being used outside Turkey — either in 
Persia or against India. He has given Dr. Mansur 
and his party (according to the latter’s telegram) the 
necessary wasika for the formation of Legion from 


among the Indian residents in Turkey including the 
Indian prisoners”^^. 

The Volunteer Legion was called Hhe Indian 
National Legion which marched under Indian National 

Besides, as soon as the news of the fall of Kut-el- 
. Amara (April 29, 1916) reached Berlin, Bhupen Datta, 
and Viren Chattopadhyay started for Istamboul 
whence they, together with Biren Das Gupita, went to 
the military camps at Eski Shehr and Konia and meit 
the fallen Indian soldiers and officers with the avowed 
object of getting recruits from them for the Indian 
National Legion. From a copy of a letter from 
Constantinople forwarded by the I. L C. to Baron 
Von Wesendonk at Berlin, dated July 8, 1916, we come 
lo know the following : “Messrs Datta, Das Gupta and 
Chatto are leaving in a day or two for Konia, where 
there are over 200 officers interned. We were given 
to understand today that the prisoners will be divided 
into two sections — Muslim and Hindu, and that the 
Muslims will be kept at Adena, and the Hindus at 
Haleb (Aleppo). The Government has given us 
freedom to make propaganda among the troops but 
makes it a condition that only Muslim workers shall 
be used for the Muslim troops. They accept our point 
of view that Hindus shall work among the Hindu 
troops. The latier are to be used to work on the 
Bagdad Railway”.^® 

But the work of the Bagdad Mission did not pro- 
ceed far. Several factors such as bad leadership and 
misappropriation of power by Dr. Mansur, the policy 
of the Turkish officers, made up mainly of Arabs and 
Egyptians, to use the Indian soldiers in their own 
interests, the policy of the Germans to form small 
bands out of Indians and to send them to Persia to 

77. Ibid. Reel Na 398. 

78. Ibid. Also see AprakasUn Rcjneetik Itihds, pp. 49-50. 



fight against England on behalf of Germany, and, 
above all, 'ihe pan-Islamic anti-Hindu propaganda of 
a fe\y Indian Mahoraedans like Abdul Jabbar of Delhi 
as well as the religious fanaticism and superstitious 
belief of the Mahomedan masses led ito the ultimate 
failure of the Bagdad Mission. 


The party that proceeded to Damascus through 
Syria arrived at El-Arish by the middle of July, 1915. 
Ii consisted of Trimul Acharia (alias Mahomed 
Akbar), Tarali*Nath Das, Biren Das Gupta (alias Ali 
’Haidar), Varma (a Hindu from Lucknow under the 
alias of Hussain Ali), Rajab Ali, Ismail Hussain (an 
Egyptian) etc. It was joined by Abdur Rahaman, an 
Indian Mahomedan who was in charge of the inn meant 
for the Muslim pilgrims at Jerusalem. The party 
contacted the German Commander Kress Von Kres- 
senstein at Bir-el-Sabba, the headquarters of the Senai . 
Desert, and discussed on the following points; 

1. Organization of the Beduins under some 
Turkish officers. 

2. Introduction of Indian revolutionaries to 
Beduin Sheikhs who could be of some help 
to them to carry their messages to Egypt. 
Also possibilities to use Beduin women for 
the purpose to be explored. 

3. Opportunity to Indians to go with Turkish 
patrols to come in contact with the Indian 

The Commander received the party very cordially 
and disclosed to them how he had organised the Beduins 
of ithe south and how he proposed to do with the others. 
He also sent for the Beduin Sheikhs for their introduc- 
tion to the Indian party and promised to give help to 
it to go in a patrol. 

Soon a patrol party got ready for the Suez Canal. 


It was composed of twenty foot-soldiers under a lieu- 
tenant, ten Hagines (riding camels), as well as ten 
Beduins and a few Sheikhs (Beduin chiefs). There 
were altogether 40 camels, for provisions and water 
included. A Syrian army also accompanied the party 
for its defence. 

After marching for five nights through rocky and 
sandy routes, the party arrived at last within three 
hours of the Canal. As it did not come across any 
English patrol on this side of the Canal and as it could 
not afford to wait indefinitely lest it should run short 
of provisions or be overpowered by the enemies with a 
large force, it soon changed its original plans and 
decided to blow off the railwa)'^s on the other side of 
ithe Canal. Two Beduins were instructed how to blow 
off a railway line and were provided with a dynamite 
by the party. Four Beduins were to accompany them 
to keep watch. “Two packets of picric blocks of one 
kilo each were made ready for them; the explosives 
and the prepared fuses were put in separate water- 
tight bags. They took a rifle and one of our revolvers 
also with them. We had sent them between Kan'tara 
and a point northwards called ‘34’. A party of twenty 
of us went very near the water opposite the point of 
explosion to see that the blowing was properly done 
and to help our men to escape. The soldiers were left 
behind as reserve”.'^® 

After having done the explosion work, and after 
having fired at a boat carrying Englishmen, the Beduins 
swam across the Canal and were duly rewarded by the 
patrol party. 

On return to El’ Arish the Indian Mission not 
merely contacted the German and Turkish Commanders, 

79. G. F. M. A., Red No. 398 for the Report of the Suez Canal 
Miadon as forwarded to Baron Von Wesendonk at Berlin by 
the I. I. C. (BerHa) on October 12, 1915. Also the ■writar’e inter- 
view with Sri Biren Das Gupta at Calcutta. Sri Das Gupta bdd 
a very imptntant positi<Mi on the Suez Canal Mission. 



but' also sent Beduins as messengers to the Arab chiefs 
in Egypt seeking their co-operation in war with 
England, and the response was favourable. 


On the Persian Mission two persons figured very 
prominently, and they were Pandurang Sadashiv 
Khankhoje and Pramatha Nath Datta (alias Da wood 
Ali Khan). Khankhoje of Nagpur, accompanied by 
Agashe (alias Mohammed Ali), a Maratha young man 
lioth being members of the GJvadr party, came to Persia 
via Turkey in 1915. At Constantinople Khankhoje 
met Pramatha Datta, both of whom waited upon Enver 
Pasha and Talat Pasha and sought their permission to 
bring the Ohadr military men to attack India. The 
consent having been obtained Khankhoje wrote an 
Address to the sepoys of the Ghadr party which was 
despatched to California through the (lerman and 
Turkish emliassies. This part of his work did not 
fjirther proceed. The party then arrived at Bagdad 
wherefrom it went to Bushire in Persia with a small 
expedition and carried ample literature for distribution. 
By this time men who had already been in Persia and 
who had come along with the Bagdad Mission joined 
this party. These men included Khandhoo Bhai 
Kumarji Naik (Gujrati), Kedar Nath, Amin Sarma, 
Basant Singh and Chait Singh (Punjabis), Mirza 
Abbas (Hyderabadi), Rishikesh Latta (Garwali), 
Kersasp (Parsi) etc. 

These men, specially Kedar Nath, .Basant Singh, 
Chait Singh etc., distributed a large number of leaflets 
in the trenches of Indian soldiers in Mesopotamia and 
Persia. Several thousand copies of five different 
leaflets, which were discovered among the effects of 
Herr "Wassmuss, German Consul of Bushire (1915), 
were “identical with some found recently near the 
lines and guard-posts of the 102nd K. E. O. Grenadiers 



at Bushire”. These leaflets included one in English, 
two in Urdu, one in Hindi and one in Mkrathi. The 
English leaflet, headed Awake And Arise; 0 Princes 
And Peoples Of India ! and signed ‘Bande Mataram’, 
concluded with an impassioned appeal to the soldiers of 
India to kill English officers and men indiscriminately 
if they desired to establish themselves “among the free 
nations of the world.” The Urdu leaflets included one 
which, signed by ten Ulama of the Society of Ulama and 
being a direct incitement to Jehad, had, already been 
found in large numbers in the possession of returning 
pilgrims from the haj in November-December, 1914. 
The other Urdu leaflet, lithographed on one side only 
of a long narrow white sheet, was an appeal to the Sikhs 
of the Indian Army to drive the British out of India. It 
began with the Sikh war-cry and greeting ‘Sat; Siri Akal. 
Siri wah guruji da Khalsa, Siri wah g^ruji di fateh’ and 
ended with ‘Bande Matai*am’. The Hindi leaflet made 
separate appeals to Hindu, Mahomedan, Rajput and 
Sikh soldiers and also to the Marathas wdth the stock 
revolutionary arguments suitable for each class. The 
leaflet was headed Victory To Mother India, and ended 
with the words “Shout victory to Mother India and 
murder the Englishmen. Bande Mataram”. The fifth 
leaflet, lithographed in Balbodh writing and Maratha 
langpiage, was a direct appeal to the Maraiha sepoys for 
similar action.*® 

It is to be noted here that Persia at the outbreak of 
the First World War enjoyed only nominal indepen- 
dence, the northern portion being under Russian influ- 
ence and the southern portion including the oil regions 
being overrun by the British troops. The Indian party 
that went to Bushire under the leadership of Khankhoje 
was driven by the enemies to Shiraz, where it was joined 

-A.- , 

80. The Note for^rarded by the Central Intelligence Office Simla, to 
the I. B. Office of different provinctes of India, dated April 29, 



by Sufi Amba Prasad.®^ The party then proceeded to 
Kerman where it set up its base, organizing a force 
jointly with Indians and Persians. It is pertinent to 
mention here that Syed Taki Zade, leader of the Persian 
Democratic Party, had also formed an Iranian-German 
Committee at Berlin and worked in collaboration with 
the Berlin-India Committee for the independence of 
Persia. Taki Zade also sent batches of Persians from 
Berlin to his own country with the same object. These 
emissaries together with such men as belonged to the 
Persian Democratic Party and/or were sympathetic to 
the cause of India were enlisted in this expedition. 

Pramatha Nath Datta who was sent to the border 
of Beluchislhan and Afghanistan by Khankhoje, 
returned with bullet wounds in his leg and remained at 
Kerman along with Agashe while Ihe rest under Khan- 
khoje proceeded to Bam in Persian Bcluchisthan where 
they raised troops from among the Beluchs. A Beluch 
chief Jihan Khan also joined them. The Indian expedi- 
tion and the Beluch troops combined to attack the Fron- 
tier Province and set up a provisional government there 
under Jihan Khan. At this stage they received the 
jehad fatmmhs of Turkey and waited upon the Amir 
of Persian-Beluchis'than who at first agreed to help them 
but he was soon bribed over by the British to their side. 
The Amir fought against the Indian trooi)S who were dis- 
persed and to a great extent destroyed too. Persia was a 
very difficult place at that time where fighting continued 
on all sides. Khankhoje with a small force returned to 
Bam and then to Baft in Western Parsia fighting all 
the way, but was wounded and captured. But he fled 
from the clutches of the enemies and came to Nehriz 
with the help of a local man. Meanwhile Pramath Nath 

61. Sufi Amba P^’asad who had absconded to P^sia in 1909, lived 
thiOTe till 1915 when he joined the Persian Mission pitted against 
England. He was arrested twice, but in the first instance he 
* managed to escape. 


Da.tta and Agash^e also came fighting to Baft and thence 
to Nehriz where they, along with some of their German 
companions, had fallen captives at the hands of the 
enemies. Khankhoje, after arriving at Nehriz, managed 
to free them and then the three Indians waded through 
utmost difficulties to Shiraz (1916). As Khankhoje has 
stated, he then joined the Persians and fought in their 
camp against the British till 1919. In 1919 Khankhoje 
was handed over to the British by the Persians, but 
again he escaped.*® 

About the fate of the other members of the Mission 
we may observe that “Abdul Aziz (Basant Singh), Jan 
Mohammed (Chait Singh), Hassan Ali Khan (Ker- 
sasp) after crossing mountains and surmounting many 
other difficulties, managed to reach Kandahar. After- 
wards they returned to Hirat, after that we received no 
news. Khankhoje who was wounded on the frontier of 
Beluchisthan, returned to Kerman. . . Mr. Hassan ■ Ali 
Khan by virtue of his extraordinary services, has won 
testimonial”. Kedar Nath (alias Kedar Ali) and Sufi 
Amba Prasad (■alias Mohammed Hussain Sufi) were 
captured at Shiraz. Kedar Nath was hanged, and Sufi 
Amba Prasad committed suicide in January, 1917, the 
day before he was to have l^een shol. Basant Singh and 
Kersasp were arrested on the Persian border and were 
executed. Rabi Chand (alias Mubarak Ali Khan) and 
Rishikesh Latta (alias Zia Uddin) were rewarded with 
three certificates each in recognition of his services. The 
Mission also devoted itself to the circulation of leaflets 
and pamphlets in diverse languages among the soldiers 
and pilgrims as well as in mosques. Mullahs and Muja- 

82. Tine statement of Dr. Khankhoje as incorporated in the Appendices 
to B. N. Datta's Aprahasita Rajneeiik Itihos. The paresent version 
has been seen and oorrected by "Dr. Khankhoje himself who is of 
opinion that k has ibeen "concise and comprehensive” (Vide the 
letter of Sri Anandrao Joshi to the writer, dated Septeniiber*4, 1966. 


bids were also sent to various tribes in Persia to per- 
suade them to stir up disturbances against England.*® 


Next, we may turn our attention to the Kabul Mis- 
sion which was sent under the leadership of Raja 
Mahendra Pratap in 1915. In 1914 he left India for 
Europe and settled in Switzerland where he met V. 
ChaJttojiadhyay and Hardyal. Accompanied by the 
former he went to Berlin, and having an autograph 
letter from the German Emperor to the Amir of 
Afghanisthan^he left Berlin (April 10, 1915) for 
Constantinople where he was favoured with an inter- 
view by the Sultan who gave him an autograph letter 
to the Amir on his behalf. Raja Mahendra Pratap 
was accompanied in his Mission by Md. Barkataullah 
as well as Dr. Von Hentig, the German representative, 
and Captain Casim Bey, the representative of Turkey. 
The Mission was received cordially by the Amir who 
sent on his turn two letters to the Sultan of Turkey and 
the Emperor of Germany respectively. 

Mahendra Pratap, on his return to Berlin on March 
23, 1918 through many hazards and difficulties, present- 
ed a lengthy report of ten fulscape- typed pages describ- 
ing his trip from Berlin to Berlin for the gracious per- 
usal of His Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of the 
German Empire. The following is an extract from 
bis lengthy report which will give us an inside view of 
the Kabul Mission : 

“On the second of October 1915 Kabul was 
reached. Towards the end of October I had the 
good fortune of presenting the two Imperial letters 
from H. I. M. The Kaiser and H. I. M. The 
Sultan to H. M. The Amir. Soon afterwards I and 
Moulvie Barkataullah were received by H. M. The 

83. G. F. M. A., Reel No. 309. See the Report of the Indian Nationalist 
Society in Persia to the I. I. C., Berlin, dated November 14, 1916. 



Atnir and Princes at an informal conversation. Later 
followed a number of conferences and conversations 
between us and the Afghan Government. By the grace 
of God I had the good fortune to enjoy the confidence 
of all the parties in Kabul. But I regret very much 
that I could not accomplish the great work in view — 
the revolution in India as I had not a single farthing to 
start my Indian work, I mean that not a single farthing 
was placed at my disposal either by the Indian public 
or our friends, Germany or Turkey — to carry on my 
holy duties. True, besides that there were also a few of- 
ficial handicaps from the Afghan side but these were 
only due to the backward state of Afghan civilisation, 
and they could have been easily mended by a flow of 
the shining metal. H. M. The Amir wished that all 
of us should stay on in Kabul so that whenever an op- 
portunity presents itself the Afghan Government may 
openly side with Germany and Turkey. In the mean- 
time military preparations were pushed forward and 
my Indian work was carried on secretly under certain 
restrictions by the Afghan Government”. 

Referring to the joining of Moulvie Obedullah*'^ 
from India with the party, the Raja further states in 
his Report: “I together with Moulvie Barkataullah and 
Moulvie Obedullah had formed a provisional govern- 
ment of India. I was acting as the President of this 
Government and Moulvie Barkataullah (Diwan Sahib) 
was working as the Prime Minister and Moulvie Obe- 

84. Moulvie Obedullah was a Sikh, later converted to Islam, and had 
been a teacher at the Deoband Moslem College in the U. P. under 
the name of Obedullah. An important memlber of the ‘‘Silk Letter” 
conspiracy, Obedullah, and also a number of Muslim youths h^ 
fled away in 1915 from India to Kabul and other Idamic countries 
to foment anti-Briti^ and pro-Islamic feelings. Two sons of an 
old Maliorri^dan soldier of the Punjab, who had atiCQnipanied the 
party, empk>yed their fanuly retainer as liaison between Kabul 
and the Ftajab. That retainer carried a number of letters from 
the conspirators, vTritten in neat Persian on Silk and sewn up 
in the lilnlng of his coat, to India and left themi in one of the 
Punjab States. The conspiracy was discovered by Mr. Qeveland' 
and was termed the “Silk Letter” conspiracy. 



dullah was our administrative minister. We did not 
care to put down much in balck and white but we were 
every day labouring for our cause as best as we could. 
I have even with me the minutes and the seal of the 
Provisional Government of Hind. But as our German 
friends had left Kabul in May 1915 and my estates were 
confiscated and my friends in India were extremely 
watched and as they were also sending messages that 
to start the big revolution they wanted a few thousand 
German and Turkish troops and since this was also the 
idea of the Afghan Government that the Afghan 
Government c»uld not openly join our side in the ordi- 
nary circumstances without the help of money, arms, 
ammunition and troops, I, Captain Casim Bey and 
M'oulvie Barkataullah Sahib took leave of the Afghan 
Government.” , 

H. M. the Amir was good enough to hand over to 
Baja Mahendra Pratap his replies to the two letters 
of the Emperors, and with these in his possession 
IMahendra Pratap left Kabul on September 17, 1916.*® 

The report: sulunitted by Raja Mahendra Pratap on 
his return to Berlin also contained a complaint about 
Dr. Von Hentig, the German representative accompany- 
ing the Mission, who left behind in Persia 23 out of 26 
Imperial German Govenimcnt letters addressed by H. 
E. The Chancellor to :the Indian I’rinces, and as these 
never reached Afghanisthan, their Indian work suffered 
a good deal from this loss. Besides, this Mission suf- 
fered badly from lack of funds mainly due to the bungl- 
ing and selfishness of Von Hentig who was controlling* 
the funds, about: which a complaint was lodged by Md. 
Barkataullah with the German F. O. in a letter dated 
Bagh-i-Babershah Kabul, Afghanisthan, May 21, 1916. 


In the Far East the important regions of the 

85. G. F. M. A., Red No. 388. 



Indo-German conspiracy were Siam, Burma and 
Malay where an'ti-British schemes were financed and 
controlled by the Consulates at Peking, Shanghai, 
Batavia and Bangkok. The Siam project was under- 
taken by the Germans and the Ghadr party of San 
Francisco combined. It aimed at collecting a force of 
about ten thousand men, armed and drilled with 
German help and stationed at Burma-Siam borders. The 
revolutionaries would then secure the co-operation of 
the Burma Military Police, half of whom were Sikhs 
and Mahomendans, and then would overrun Burma 
and finally the whole of India. Two students from 
Berkeley, California, viz., Sukumar Chatter jee of 
Jabbalpore and Darisi Chenchiah, a Madrasi of 
Nellore, came to Bangkok as emissaries of the Ghadr 
party. They would do the preliminary work and 
recommend places and forests and submit photos where 
all these operations were to be carried on. The German 
railway officers and their Punjabi overseers and 
surveyors would supply them with all necessary in- 

Among the persons connected with the conspiracy 
in Siam and Burma the more prominent were Atmaram 
and Shiv Dayal Kapur (both coming from China), 
Sohan Lai Pathak, Jodh Singh Mahajan {alias Hassan 
7ada), Harnam Singh, Narain Singh etc. These men 
snd many others of the Ghadr party came to Siam 
from the U. S. A. and 'the Far East in 1914-15. 
Sohan T^al who was arrested at Maymyo in Burma 
' (August 14, 1915) was perhaps the leader of the Ghadr 
men in these sectors as proved by a letter from Ram 
Chandra Peshwari in San Francisco to Sohan Lai 
intercepted a'. Singapore in June, 1915. At the time of 
his arrest three automatic pi.sitols and about 270 car- 
tridges, besides several papers including a copy of 
''New Light and New Science’ by Hardyal, were found 
with him. Five days later Narayin Singh was arrested 



at Maymyo with a fully loaded pistol, a considerable 
quantity of the Turkish fatawah and a copy of the 
Ghadr. Harnam Singh was arrested in Moulmein on 
his way back to Siam. All these three were executed — 
Sohan Lai Pathak under the Defence of India Act and 
the other two in the Mandalay Conspiracy Case. Shiv 
Dayal Kapuf was arrested at Bangkok (August, 1915), 
in whose note-book wa.'^ “a pencil-sketch of a ship with 
three horizontal lights * at the masit head. Above 
this the following notes were made in Hinduslhani : 
‘Schooner; 1st August; 500 revolvers; Chittagong, 
and below wa§ written ‘Anjer' in English and the 
words ‘Java town’ in Hindusthani”. Obviously, this 
referred to the scheme of the schooner Heitry S. 

Besides, two parties of Indians who entered Burma 
from Siam through the Raheng-Mesort-Myawaddy 
route — the first consisting of five Indians and an 
American, Charles W. Allan, and the second consisting 
of sixteen Sikhs and one Mahomedan, — were arrested 
in early May, 1915. All these arrests struck a death- 
blow to the conspiracy in this sector. These arrests led 
to the Mandalay Conspiracy Case of which the Judg- 
ment was delivered on July 27, 1916. Of the seventeen 
persons tried in this case, seven comprising Hamani 
Singh, Chelliah Ram, Bassawa Singh, Narain Singh, 
Narinjan Singh, Pala Singh and Kirpa Ram were 
sentenced to death. Eive received life sentence, one 
seven years’ transportation and four were acquitted.®® 

The Siam conspiracy directed itself also to the 
project of attacking the Andaman Islands and freeing 
the prisoners therein. About this part of the conspiracy 
an interesting account is revealed in Mr. Ker’s book. 
MT. Ker’s information is derived mostly from a Euro- 
pean employed by the German Secret Service, arrested 

fi6L 'The T iirigmant. in the Mandalay Conspiracy Case: Vide Hesne 
(Poll. A) Prooekings of the Govt, of India, September 1916, 
Nos. 4(B-10. 



in Singapore (July, 1915), and who has been referred 
to by Mr. Ker as X. About this episode Mr. Ker 
writes : 

“It appeared from the statement of X that one of 
the German plans was to take the Andaman Islands 
before raising a revolt in Burma and India. First of 
all an agent was to go to the Andamans, in the guise 
of a merchant, and to land arms supplied from German 
sources; he was then to get into touch with released 
prisoners who were working on their own ground, and 
arrange with them to destroy the wireless station on 
an appointed night. One or two of** some twelve 
German ships laid up in Sabang, after getting together 
the fittest of the crews of all the vessels, and taking 
as many Germans from Del (Sumatra) as possible,' 
were to leave for the Nicobars; here they would pick 
up quick-firers, guns and ammxmition, which would be 
p-reviously deposited by pre-concerted arrangement. 
The ships would then proceed to the Andamans so as 
to arrive there on the night fixed for the destruction 
of the wireless station, landings being effected at the 
same time on boilh the East and the "West side of the 
islands. After this had been done, and the place had 
been captured, as many of the convicts as were fit and 
wilting were to be shipped under German leadership, to 
a place near Rangoon. If the undertaking seemed to 
promise success, all Germans of military age in the 
Dutch East Indies and Siam would be ordered to join 
the insurrectionary force. X had with him three detail- 
ed maps of the Andamans, and some photographs of 
Aberdeen Jail, and was well informed as to the num- 
bers of officials, troops, police and warders on the 


Although this part of the conspiracy remained un- 

87. J. C. Ker: Political Trouble In India: 1907-1917. 



realized, yet the Sepoys at Singapore actually revolted 
in February, 1915. The Indian battalion at Singapore 
was the Fifth Light Infantry, comprising almost en- 
tirely of Moslems from India. On February 15, 1915 
they revolted under the instigation of the Ghadarites 
and recklessly murdered a number of Europeans in- 
cluding military officers, soldiers, and civilians. They 
kept the city under their control until the evening of 
February 18. Although the mutineers had released 
many German prisoners, yet no help was forthcoming 
either from them or from other sources as had been 
fondly expected. So the muiliny was easily suppressed. 

About the genesis and subsequent development of 
the Singapore Mutiny Lt. General MacMunn observes 
the following: 

“On the 15th, Major-General D. Ridout, com- 
manding at Singapore, inspected the 5th, prior to the 
l^attalion embarking. All was quiet and in order, but 
as the battalion’s ammunition was being loaded into 
lorries at the Alexandra BaiTacks, a shot was fired. An 
outbreak immediately followed. Those who tried to 
keep order were shot down . . . The mutineers, at first 
at sixes and sevens, now broke up into three parties, 
die to overpower the men guarding the German intern- 
ment camp and release the prisoners ; another to attack 
the Colonel’s house, and a third to prevent any assis- 
tance arriving down the road from Singapore. Further, 
several small parties made off, apparently to murder 
stray Europeans”. For three days blocxly scenes were 
enacted in the streets of Singapore. But lacking in 
ammunition and resources, the mutineers could hardly 
hold their own for long. Lt. General MacMunn writes 
further: “By the morning of the 18th the aggregate 
of armed forces was sufficient for General Ridout to 
occupy the whole of the scene of the tragedy, Tanglin, 
Alexandra Barracks, and Normanton. . . By the even- 
ing of the 18th, the situation was completely in hand. 



and residents returned to their houses. Some 300 
mutineers only were at large, and these were driven 
into the jungle. . . Two of the leaders were hailed,, 
thirty-eight were shot, all in public. The incident was 
oyer, and the 5th Light Infantry were no more.”*® 

88. Vide Lt. General Sir George MacMiinn: 
India-, 1914 And After (London, 1^, 
Aprakasita Rafneetik Itihas, pip. 23-24. 

TurmoU & Tragedy In 
pp. 1(^113). Also see 

Rasli Ekhari Bose 

( May 26, 1880 — ^.Jaiiunry 21, 11)45 ) 

Rash Behari Bose with his wife Toshiko Bose 

Chapter Two 



One of the greatest leaders and architects of 
India’s revolutionary movement, Rash Behari Bose 
played a most potent and d)mamic role in the achieve- 
ment of Independence by India in 1947. If Aurobindo 
Chose is regarcied as the Mazzini of Young India, Rash 
Behari Bose may be fitly called the Cavour of India’s 
Freedom Movement. 

Bom in the village of Parala-Bighati near 
Bhadreswar in the district of Hooghly in the house of 
his maternal uncle on May 25, 1886S Rash Behari Bose 
passed his childhood in his paternal home at the village 
of Subaldaha in the Burdwan district under the care 
of his grandfather Kali Charan Bose. He received his 
early education at Chandernagore where his father 
Benode Behari Bose had purchased a house. His 
father, at first a Government servant in the Bengal 
Secretariat, later secured a job in the Government 
press at Simla in U. P. Never a “good’’ boy in the 
conventional sense of the term. Rash Behari in his 
boyhood showed in his character signs of turbulence 
and refused to bend his neck to authority on asking. 

I. Ra^ Behari’s O'wn sister Sushila Devi, at present aged about 
seventy-eight, has recently informed the present witer when she 
met her at Benares that both her elder brother aihd herself were 
bom in thdr maternal unde’s house at the village of F^rala- 
Bighati in the Hooghly district. This view j&ts in also with the 
findings of Sri Harihar Sett of Chandernagore. But in a written 
statement dated April 1^ 1961 Kunja Behari Mandal of the village 
Subaldaha in the Burdwan 'district, then aged about 104, categori- 
cally states on the basis of his own direct knowledge that Rash 
Behari Bose, the eldest son of Benode Behari Bose, his friend, 
was bom at the village of Subaldaha (vide the Prabartak Sangha's 
fortni^tly orgari N^jm Saingha, dated April 19, 1916, p. 1). 


None was aware at that time of the immense promise 
that this wayward boy had in him for the future. 

While a student of the Second Class at the College 
Dupleix (now known as Kanailal Vidyamandir) in 
Chandemagore, Rash Behari had a confrontation with 
his teachers, which soon forced him to leave that school 
and take new admission in the Morton School, Calcutta. 
But a comfortable routine life was never destined for 
him. His innate nature always goaded him to beat new 
tracks of adventure. An expert lathi-player from 
boyhood, he soon took fancy to the idea of entering the 
British army with the immediate objectcof learning the 
art of modern warfare. As the desire deepened, he 
fled away twice from his home to try his luck as a 
potential recruit in the army, but apparently having 
failed in his mission, he returnd home with subdued 
feelings of frustration. The fact that a Bengali was 
debarred from admission into the British army on the 
fancied ground of his physical unfitness was a painful 
txjiierience to him and this in stead of cooling his 
enthusiasm made him more determined to remove the 
slur of timidity from the face of the Bengali race. 
From that time onwards he gave up his routine study 
and education in school. Disillusioned by her son's 
Vv'ayward life, his mother took him before long to Simla 
and got him employed through his father in the Govern- 
ment press in the post of a copyholder. Rash Behari 
utilised the occasion in mastering the English language 
as well as type-writing. But here also Rash Behari 
could not pull on well for a long time, and under 
command from his father who suspected his complicity 
in a press trouble, he had to resign his post. This was 
followed by his third flight from home, opening a 
completely new chapter in his career.^ 

2. These facts about Rash Behan’s early life have been, in the unain, 
drawn from Prof. Be.ion Behari Bose’s (his younger brother’s) 
Bengali work entitled KarrmUr Rash 'Behmi published in 1956. 




Having served for a short period in the Pasteur 
Institute of Kasauli (South-West of Simla), Rash 
Behari came to Dehra Dun in or about the year 1906 
and was probably employed as a laboratory assistant 
to Sirdar Puran Singh who was in charge of the 
Chemistry Department in the Forest Research Insti- 
tute.® While at Dehra Dun, Rash Behari at. first took 
shelter in the Tagore Villa, the garden house of 
Pi’afulla Nath Tagore, grandson, of Kali Krishna 
Tagore. Atul Chandra Bose (though mistakenly refer- 
red to in the I. B. Records of die (Government of 
West Bengal as Atul Chandra Chose), the care-taker 
and manager of the Tagore Villa, took kindly to Rash 
Behari without his master’s remotest idea about it. 
Rash Behari stayed there for some 'lime. Fven after 
his change of residence he regularly frequented the 
Tagore Villa where a group of young men met together 
and discus.sed various topics. Sri Prasanta Nath 
Tagore, the third son of Prafulla Nath Tagore, in- 
forms the writer that the Villa consisting of 100 bighas 
of land and looked after by a redoubtable manager 
with his quarters situated at a remote corner of the 
garden and surrounded b)’- mango and lichi trees, 
naturally offered a very congenial shelter to Rash 
Behari as well as to the Bengali young men pkrtting 
secret activities at Dehra Dun. It is also reisorted that 
Rash Behari even arranged for bomb manufacture in 
that garden Villa and was sometimes helped with 
money by its ‘sympathetic’ manager from funds placed 
at his disposal by the owner for its proper main- 
tenance.^ The Intelligence Branch Records of the 
(Gkivernment of West Bengal affirm that “Rash Behari 

3. The Judgment In the Delbi-Lahore Conspiracy Case of 1914, 
however, describes Rash Behari as the Head Clerk of the Forest 
Research Institute. 

4. S. N. GanguJi’s aiticle in weekly Basumcti, August 12. 1965, 



Bose, Atwl Ghose, Haripada Bose and one Sailen 
Banerjee used to meet daily at Dehra Dun and were 
very friendly to each other”. They further disclose 
that Jogindra Nath, Chaitterjee, a prominent pleader of 
Allahabad High Court, came to Dehra Dun for a 
change and stayed for a few months at the Tagore 
Villa. Rash Behari and his associates were regular 
visitors to Jogin Babu. 


A memorable episode of this period was Rash 
Behari’s contact with Jitendra Mohan Chatterjee at 
Dehra Dun. Jitendra Mohan, a resident of Saharan- 
pur where his father was a Government pleader, had 
already started there a secret society following the 
Partition of Bengal® with the object of taking revenge 
against the inhuman cruelties and oppression of the 
British soldiers, particularly at the railway stations. 
In 1906, he came to Dehra Dun on the occasion of the 
marrij^e ceremony of his nephew (eldest son of his 
elder sister) and put up for four or five days at the 
house of his brother-in-law Puma Chandra Banerjee. 
In that milieu he picked up intimacy with Rash Behari 
who also attended that marriage ceremony. From 
his talk with Rash Behari Jitendra Mohan could get a 
glimpse of the working of the latter’s mind, and the 
intimacy thus formed later proved a valuable asset to 
the revolutionary movement. 

The Punjab and the United Provinces were at 
that time important centres of Bengali revolutionary 
activities. Bengal’s role as an inspircr of the revolu- 
tionary spirit in the Punjab was embodied, first, by 
Jatindra Naih Banerjee (later known as Swami 
Niralamba) and then by Rash Behari Bose. After his 

5. Vide India's For Freedom (Calcutta, 195ft, Chapter I) mitten 
jointly by the present miter and H. Mukherjee for a detailed 
account of the Bengal Partition of 1903. 



Split with the early band of the Bengal revolutionaries 
headed by Barindra Kumar Ghose, Jatindra Nath left 
Calcutta on a roving mission. In course of his travel 
he came to the Punjab in 1906 and got together a 
g^oup of young men and inspired them with the 
ideal of Swaraj or Self-Rule for India even by violent 
revolutionary methods. This group included, among 
others, Lai Chand Phalak, Kissen Singh (father of 
Bhagat Singh), I.ala Lajpat Rai, Sirdar Ajit Singh as 
well as Dr. Hari Charan Mukherjee of Ambala, Dr. 
Charu Chandra Ghose of Peshwar and Lala Amar 
Das of Sealkot.® On his return from England to India 
in early 1908 Lala Hardyal also was soon drawn close 
to this group, and before long he gathered round him- 
self a band of devoted workers of whom Jitcndra 
Mohan Chattierjee was the most prominent.^ At that 
time Hardyal’s major pre-occupation was political pro- 
paganda through speeches and writings, with a pro- 
nounced advocacy of boycott, or non-co-operation with 
the alien Government. Although he did noit openly 
preach at this stage any cult of violent revolution, yet 
i1 is mainly from him that his followers, after he had 
left for Europe, took their cue for a violent political 
fight against the British. 

On Hardyal’s departure for Europe in August, 
1908 his mantle naturally fell on his comrade Jitendra 
Mohan Chatterjee whom he had chosen as the second 

6. Dr. Jadugc^l Mukherjee’s Bipiabi Jibaner Smriti (Calcutta, 1956, 
p. 301). It may be noted in this connection that in 1927-28 Kissen 
Singh, acoanqKUiied by his son Bhag^ Singh travelled to the 
village Chaiina in the Buniwan district to pay homage to his 
Guiuji Jatindra Nath Banerjee. Again, in 19^ Bhagat Singji, 
then an absconder, had also been to Baranagpre to see Jatindha 
Nath Baneijee at the house of Bejoy Basanta Basak. 

7. Hardyal. ■who had gone to Oxford for higher education in 1905, 
p^d a short ■visit to India towards the close of 1906 or the 
be^nning of 1907 ■with a view to taking his ■wife to England. At 
that time Jitendra Mohan ■was introduced to Hardyal by Dr. 
Khudadad (then a lectuirer of the Roorke College) who ■was a 
class-mate of Hardyal. Intimacy between Hardyal and Jitendra 
Mohan ■was further promoted through the latter’s classmate Tara 
Chand (Dr.) ■whose ■wife "Was a aster of Hardyal’s ■wife. 



in command and whom he had so introuduced to Amir 
Chand art! the Delhi station on his way to Bombay en 
route to Europe.® Amir Chand, a rich man of Delhi 
and school master, had already gathered round him a 
band of young men including Abad Behari, Bal Raj 
and Bal Mokand. Jitendra Mohan got down at: Delhi 
and put up for a few days at Amir Chand’s house, and 
afterwards returned to Saharanpur. He then plunged 
into the great work assigned to him by his leader. He 
contacted many persons with Hardyal’s letters of in- 
troduction, gathered new recruits and laid down the 
programme of work for the party in Jiis own hand- 
writing. He also sent emissaries to Rash Behari at 
Dehra Dun, asking him to forge links with the Bengal 
revolutionary groups. It is through Rash Behari’s 
medium that Jitendra Mohan got' into touch with Srish 
Chandra Chose described to be “the most desperate 
and dangerous” figure of the Chandernagore revolu- 
tionaries.® Srish Chandra thereafter not only paid 
several visits to Saharanpur (1909-10), but also kept 
up correspondence with Rash Behari, sometimes under 
the pseudo name of ‘Amir’.*® Before long unforeseen 

8. As shortage of funds appeared to be a great impediment to political 
work, J. M. Chatterjee and his co-worker Chiranjit Lai were 
engaged in 1908 in the collection of subscriptions for their party as 
wandering Sadhus or friars. In course of such missionary work, 

. w*hen they had once taken shelter at Sirdar Puran Singh’s resi- 
dence in Dehra Dun, Jitendra Mohan received a wire from Hardyal 
from Lahore instructing him to meet the latter at Saharanpur. 
Accordingly, both Jitendra Mohan and Chiranjit Lai met Hardval 
at Sahiaranpur via Hardwar and thence accompanied him to Delhi, 
where at the station Hardyal introduced Jitendra Mohan to AmT 
Chand as his right hand man. Amir Chand and Hardyal, both 
residents of Delhi, were drawn close to each other even before 
Hardyal had left India in 1906. It was Amir Chand who help^ 
Hardyal in “kidnapping” his wife for her sojourn to England in 

9. Home Deptt. (Poll. A) Proceedings of the Govt, of India, July 
1911 Nos. 48-50. 

10. File No. 473/14 of the I. B. Records, Govt, of West Bengal, for a 
letter interCv'pted at Delhi, in which the signatory ‘Amir* requested 
the addresee ‘Manik* to come down with some money to study the 
situation at first hand. The Intelligence Branch authorities of the 
time identified ‘Manik’ with Rash Behari Bose and ‘Amir* with 
Srish Chandra Ghose. 


troubles arose for Jitendra Mohan with the seizure by 
the police of his secret MSS embodying the party’s pro- 
gramme of work from the office of Jhangsyal (a journal 
of Sirdar Ajit Singh) and their detection of his 
authorship. Warrants of arrest were issued against 
Sirdar Ajit Singh and Sufi Amba Prasad as the real 
men behind the Jhangsyal and the Swaraj respective- 
ly.^* Efforts were also being made for ithe arrest of 
Jitendra Mbhan who in no time decided to hand over 
the charge of the secret party to Rash Behari Bose 
(1910). He summoned Rash Behari to Saharanpur, 
gave him evefy relevant information and left for 
England it'o prosecute studies in Law.*^ Needless to 
say, Rash Behari also had not been idle at Dchra Dun 
during this time ; he was also busy weaving schemes of 
work and getting together a band of ardent, spirits. 

After Jitendra Mohan’s retirement from the Indian 
scene, Rash Behari Bose naturally assumed the central 
command of the Punjab revolutionaries, and his Dehra 
Dun residence became a rciidcazmis of secret political 
activities. As Mr. Denham of the Intelligence Branch 
wrote in his report: “As far as can be ascertained at 
present Dehra Dun appears to have l>een the meeting 
place between the Bengal and Punjab conspirators; 
Rash Behari Bose had resided there for seven years 
and had obtained a position of importance in the 
Bengali community”.*® At Dehra Dun Rash Behari’s 
activities were canalised in two main directions, first, 
to secure secretly acid from his office laboratory for 

11. In 1809 :^rdar Ajit ^ngh and Sufi Amba Prasad absconded to 

12. It has been perso^Iy learnt from Banister J. M. Chatterjee at 
Dehra Dun that it was he who introduced Rash Behari Bose to 
the Ftinjab and Delhi ^[roup'of revDlutionaries by providing him 
with several letters of mtioduction to various persons before he 
left for England. This point receives oorroboration also in the 
Judgment in the Delhi-Lahore Con^iracy Case of 1914. 

13. Mr. Denhain’s tUrd and finai Report on the Rajahazar Case, dated 
March 26, 1914. 



■the manufacture of explosives, and, secondly, to pur- 
chase second-hand revolvers from the retired Gurkha 
officers. He also sent a letter to Jitendra Mohan 
Chatterjee at London with the request to arrange for 
the despatch of some revolvers to him through a London 
book-seller; but the idea did not materialize because of 
the sudden critical turn in the Indian situation follow- 
ing the Hardinge bomb outrage. 


In early 1911 Rash Behari came down to Chan- 
dernagore on receiving the news of his mother’s illness, 
and thanks to Srish Chandra Ghose, he was before 
long introfluced to Moti Lai Roy, the then leader of the 
Chandernagore group of revolutionaries. A devoted 
follower of Aurobindo Ghose and the founder of the 
Prabartak Sangha at Chandernagore, Moti Lai Roy 
cast a great influence on his junior colleague. Rash 
Behari was inspired with the Gita ideal of Atma- 
samarpaM or self-surrender and he took the solemn 
vow of dedicating himself wholly and completely to 'the 
supreme cause. As Moti Lai Roy puts it: 

“I remember the day when Rash Behari Bose 
first came to me with my revolutionary disciple and 
colleague Srish Chandra Ghose. We were sitting 
together closetted in the small historic room where 
Sri Aurobindo sat hiding a few moniths before during 
his abscondage at Chandernagore. Inspiring words 
seemed to pour out of me, while I was explaining to 
him the spiritual Yoga of Atma^samarpcma 'that had 
been revealed to me by Sri Aurobindo. Rash Behari 
seemed to drink in the spiritual message in deep 
silence. Then suddenly at the end of the discourse, he 
burst forth in ecstatic exclamation: 

Tt is' God’s instrumentality — ^a spiritual auto- 
mation — isn’t M'otilal ! I have to move about with my 



head held in the palm of my hand. So, indeed, shall 
I do!’ 

In the meantime Rash Behari’s mother died and 
as his leave expired, he returned to Dehra Dun for 
some time. This, however, was followed by his long 
leave probably from September, 1911 and his return 
to Chandemagore. During this period fruitful dis- 
cussions were held among Mbti Lai Roy, Srish 
Chandra Ghose and Rash Behari Bose, on the one 
hand, and Pratul Chandra Ganguli of the Anusilan 
Samiti, on the other. In course of these discussions, 
precisely aftei* the annulment of the Bengal Partition 
at the Delhi Durbar in December, 1911, the idea of 
throwing a bomb at T.ord Hardinge, ‘the then Viceroy 
of India, caught the imagination of this young group. 
The evident object of the plot was to demoralise the 
British bureaucrats in India by striking terror into 
their heart and to demonstrate in the most convincing 
way possible that the Government’s new repression- 
CMm-conciliation policy would not pay in the long run. 


According to Moti Lai Roy, the idea of throwing 
a bomb at Lord Hardinge, the Viceroy of India, sprang 
from Srish Chandra Ghose’s brain, and Rash Behari 
immediately took it up to give it a practical shape.^® 
With that end in view, he brought to Dehra Dun along 
with him a yoimg man, Basanta Kumar Biswas, 
ostensibly as his cook and personal attendant. Basanta 
Biswas and Manmat'ha Biswas were two cousin 

14. Moti Lai Roy's statement printed on the cover of J. G. Qhsawa's 
The Two Creat Indians In Jc^pan (Calcutta, 1954). 

15. The truth of Moti Lai Roy's statement dated 29.6.55 is also borne 
out by Pratul Chandra Ganguli of the Anusilan Sasniti. In a 
•written statement dated July 4, 1956 Pratul Chandra Ganguli says 
that the plan of throwing a bomb at Lord Hardinge was hatched 
by Moti Lai Roy's Chauidemagiore group of revolutionaries then 
working in dose co-operation with the Anusilan Samiti of which 
Ganguli was himself an important leader. 



brothers of Poragacha in the Nadia district and had: 
for some time been staying with Amarendra Nath 
Chaitterjee of Uttarpara as workers of the “Sramajibi 
Samabaya”, a Swadeshi workshop housed in the present 
Y. M. C. A, building at the junction of Harrison 
Road (Mahatma Gandhi Road) and^ the College 
Street, Calcutta. Opened in 1908 as a business 
concern through the joint efforts of Amarendra Nath 
Chatter jee and Khirode Ganguli, the Swadeshi shop- 
soon grew into a centre of revolutionary activities with 
Moti Lai Roy and Srish Chandra Ghose of Chanderna- 
gore as among its regular visitors, t The Biswas 
brothers, originally enlisted for the “Sramajibi 
Samabaya” by Khirode Ganguli, the Headmaster of 
the Poragacha School, were afterwards handed over to 
Mol'i Lai Roy by Amarendra Nath Chatter jee for the 
revolutionary cause. Moti Lai introduced them to 
Rash Behari who selected Basanta for his secret 

Having trained up Basanta for several months 
at Dehra Dun with the utmost care and precision, 
Rash Behari escorted him to Lahore and got him 
employed, thanks to Bal Mokand’s help, in the Popular 
Dispensary as a Compounder. On or about October 
13, 1912 Rash Behari held a secret meeting in a room 
adjoining the Agarwal Asram, where, besides himself, 
Abad Behari, Dina Nath and Bal Mokand were 
present. “At that meeting it is said that a plan of 
campaign was formed, and that it was decided to 
issue leaflets and organize the throwing of a bomb and 
that Abad Behari, Dina Nath and Bal Mokand were 
appointed heads of the organization”'®. Shortly after 
this Rash Behari visited Chandernagore to give a 
finishing touch <fo his preparatory work. During this 
short visit he met one day Sri Nalini Kishore Guha at 

16. The Judgment of M. Harnsom, the Additional Sessions Judge, in* 
the Delha-Lahore Con^iracy Case, dated October 5, 1914. 



.88, Upper Circular Road (where a mess of the 
Anusilan Samiti opposite ito the Rajabazar centre of 
Amrita Lai Hazra was situated) and asked him to 
write an article in the Swadhin Bharat denouncing 
the celebrations proposed to be held in honour of Lord 
Hardinge’s State-entry into Delhi as very much detri- 
mental to the national honour and interests of Indians. 
Rash Behari also provided Sri Guha with insitructions 
typed in a small piece of paper kept hidden in the 
folded cuff of his shirt. Nalini Kishore Guha acted 
accordingly, although he was unaware at that time of 
the underlying, plot. 

According to plan, Basanta Kumar Biswas left 
Lahore for Delhi by December 21, 1912 and Abad 
Behari also followed suit in no time. Basanta Kumar 
at Delhi put up at the house of Amir Chand, and 
it appears that Abad Behari also was away from 
Lahore at; the time of the outrage^^. On the fateful 
day of December 23, 1912 Rash Behari also appeared 
in Delhi in order to conduct the bomb-throwing opera- 
tion under his personal guidance. As the Viceregal 
procession was entering Delhi in right; royal pomp 
engaging everybody’s attention, suddenly cracked a 
bomb on the elephant on. which the Viceroy was seated, 
killing instantaneously an attendant and injuring the 
Viceroy seriously. In the ensuing pandemonium both 
Rash Behari and Basanta successfully disappeared 
from the scene. Although the plot in its fulness could 
rot be executed (which aimed at killing the Viceroy), 
■ yet the effect produced was nonetheless significant. A 

17. Ibid. The Judge states in this context thus: “The evidence on 
the subject is entirely circumstancial and consists in the fact that 
Basanta Kumar Biswas left Lahore a couple of days before the 
bomb was thrown under suspicious circumstances, that Abad 
Behari was also away from Lahore at the time, and that Dina 
Nath, the approver, had a conversation with Abad Behari which 
showed that the latter knew the details of how that bomb was 

thrown Both of them returned in January 1913, and Abad 

Behari remained in Lahore from January to June, 1913''. 



feeling of horror swept over the country an.d the 
Government, after an initial set-back, resorted to more 
ligorous repression. 

As regards the incident of bomb-throwing at, the 
Viceroy different views have been expressed by the 
leaders connected with the plot, M>ti Lai Roy has 
stated: “The youth who actually threw the bomb in 
the g^se of a beautiful lady spectator from a housetop 
at Chandnichak on that gala occasion was the late 
Basanta Kumar Biswas — a. recruit from Nadia, who 
was sent to me by Shree Amarendra Nath Chatterjee 
of Uittarpara at my call for two youths; required for 
this action and I was requested by Rash Behari to 
allow Basanta whom he selected, to accompany him to 
Delhi. There he was put up in the house of Amir 
Chand as arranged by Rash Behari, whence dressed as 
a young lady with the name of Luxniee Bai, he went to 
the place of occurrence along with Rash Behari. After 
the bomb-incident, Basanta threw off the woman’s 
dress and melted away in the crowd”. 

Amarendra Nath Chatterjee in his unpublished 
Bengali M^SS Bharo^cr Swadhimtar Itihas has said: 
“The general idea is that Basanta threw the bomb from 
a house-top in the guise of a woman. It is wrong. It 
was Basanta Kumar who threw the bomb from the 
street — Rash Behari did not throw it. Rash Behari by 
arranging for Basanta Kumar’s escape returned to 
Dehra Dun by night” (p. 36). This piece of informa- 
tion Amarendra Nath derived from Basanta Kumar 
who met him at the “Sramajibi Samabaya” on his way 
to Nadia via Calcutta some time after the Hardinge 
bomb outrage. 

From the above statements it is apparent that 
Basanta Kumr-.r as a trusted agent of Rash Behari 
threw the bomb at the Viceroy. He was to put on a 
woman’s dress according to a previous arrangement. 
But a closer second thought of the difficulties that 


10 » 

might arise from the contemplated course probably 
prompted Rash Behari to make a last-minute change 
in the operatioii, plan. 

But this view is contested by some on the strength 
of a statement made by Rash Behari Bose himself in 
1943 : “Thirty years ago I threw a bomb at the 
Viceroy”^®. Apparently, the critics consider the state- 
ments of Amarendra Nath Chatter jee and Moti Lai 
Roy about Basanta incompatible with Rash Behari’S. 
own statement But rightly understood, there is 
hardly any inner contradiction between the two views. 
That Rash Behari was the life and soul of the Delhi 
bomb outrage goes without dispute. It was Rash 
Behari who selected Basanta for the special purpose 
and trained him upi for it. Rash Behari was also 
physically present at Delhi on that fateful day to 
guide Basanta in the working out of the plot. Thus it 
is evident that Rash Behari was the moving spirit on 
the scene in connection with the bomb-throwing. Even 
without throwing the bomb himself (the last act in 
the plot) he might have very truthfully claimed that 
he had thrown the bomb at the Viceroy. Basanta was 
his chosen instrument, and it was Basanta who actually 
threw the bomb as clearly stated by Amarendra Nath 
Chatterjee. Denham’s statement that “Basanta was, 
in fact. Rash Behari’s ‘jackal’, and Rash Behari him- 
self appears to have kept clear of any direct participa- 
tion and acts of violence, devoting his attention prin- 
cipally to propagandism and the engineering of the 
conspiracy” throws further light on the issue in 

Immediately after the bomb outrage Rash Behari 
fled to Dehra Dun and organized a meeting of the 

18. Rash Behari Bose’s statement entitled ‘'Ojir Struggle” (1948) as 
incorporated in R<ish Behari Bum\ His Struggle For India* s 
Independence (Calcutta. 1963, p. 222). 

19. Mr. Denham’s third and final Report on the Rajabazar Case, 
dated 26.3.1914. 


employees of 'the Forest Research Institute in which 
he vehemently condemned the criminal attack on the 
Viceroy, He adopted this policy even in public meetingfs 
also, the obvious motive being to hoodwink and befool 
the police, and in this he was very much successful®®. 

On account of his pronounced pro-Government 
speeches and actions at Dehra Dun Rash Behari won 
very soon the favour of the police officers of the U, P. 
and the Punjab. One of them, Sushil Chandra Ghose, 
picked up intimacy with him, probably with the object 
of eliciting information from him about his relative 
Srish Chandra Ghose, the political suspfeoi of Chander- 
nagorc; hut Rash Behari also in his turn utilised this 
contact with the police for his own purposes. He 
I)ursued his policy with such an ability as to mislead 
even 'the spying Bengali police officer from Dehra Dun 
to report aljout Rash Behari that “it is the general 
l^clief there, amongst the Bengali community, that 
Rash Behari was a police spy and used to supply infor- 
mation to the C. I. D. officers’’.®^ In the battle of wits 
Rash Behari obviously proved the stronger. The 
trying Judge in the Delhi-Lahore Conspiracy Case 
observed that “Rash Behari was an even cleverer man 
than he is generally sujtposcd to have been, and that 
he made use of his connection with '.he police to further 
the ends of this conspiracy”. Behari, by his 
speeches anil actions, produced at that time such a 

20. It is worthwhile to notice in this connection what Lord Harding? 
wrote in his book entitled My Indian Years: 1910-16 (London, 

At Dehra Dun “when driving in a car frcim the station to 
my bungalow,” wrote Lord Hardinge, “I passed an Indian standing 
in front of the gate of his house with several others, all of whom 
were very demonstrative in their salaams. On my inquiring. . . . 
I was toiH that the principal Indian there had presided two 
days before at a public meeting at Dehra Dun and had proposed 
and carried a vote of condolence with me on aocoiint of the 
attack on my liff. It was proved later that it was this identical 
Indian who threw the bomb at mo!’* (p. 83). 

21, The Weekly Repo-^t of Lie Intelligence Branch, Bengal, dated July 

29, 1914. 



favourable impression on the police as he was even 
allowed to enter the Circuit House at Dehra Dun when 
the Viceroy Hardinge had come there for treatment 
following the Delhi outrage. 



The second overt act committed under the inspira- 
tion of Rash Behari Bose was the la^hore bomb out- 
rage on May 17, 1913. The target of this bomb was 
Mr. Gordon, the former Sub-Divisional Officer of 
Sylhet, under whose orders the police raid on the 
Jagatsi Ashram of Swami Dayananda was conducted 
(1912), killing Mahendra Nath De, the ex-Head 
Master of the Habiganj National School, and for taking 
whose life Jogendra Chakravarty of the Anusilan 
Samiti had sacrificed his life at Maulavibazar (March 
27, 1913). The schemer of the details of the plot was 
Abad Behari and the thrower of the bomb was the 
same Basanta Biswas, both being Rash Behari’s 
tmsted lieutenants. Two or three, days before the 
incident, Abad Behari received clear instruction from 
Rash Behari through his letter written to Dina 
Nath.“^ He thought out the details of the operation 
plan and at the scheduled hour when a group of Euro- 
peans including Mr. Gordon, then an Assistant Com- 
missioner of the Punjab, were seated at the bar in the 
Lawrence Gardens, both Abad Behari and Basanta 
Biswas appeared on the scene, secretly carrying a bomb 
with them. But as Basanta’s courage failed at (he 
last moment, he placed the missile on the Library Road 
instead of throwing it at Mr. Gordon, thus eventually 
causing the death of one unfortunate cimprasi on his 
way back home. Although not a single bit of evidence 
could be obtained in connection with the Delhi outrage, 
clues were found out of the Lahore bomb incident. 

22. The Judgment in the Dclhi-Lahore Conspiraey Case, dated October 
5 1914 . 



Consequently, a conspiracy case was instituted in 1914 
against eleven persons of whom Amir Chand, Abad 
Behari, Bal Mokand and Basanta Biswas were ulti- 
mately hanged. 


Different sources indicate that the Delhi bomb was 
supplied to Rash Behari Bose by the Chandernagore 
group of revolutionaries then headed by Moti Lai Roy. 
It was a picric acid bomb of the Dalhousie Square 
and Midnapore type (used on March 2, 1911 and Dec. 
13, 1912) manufactured by Manindra fNath Naik of 
Chandernagore and finally 'tested by Suresh Chandra 
Datta of the Ripon College (now the Surendra Nath 
College), Calcutta. Sri_Naik has informed the writer 
that an ex];erimental bomb exactly similar to that sent 
to Delhi was caused to burst in the presence of Rash 
Behari and Srish Chose in 'the bamboo bush behind 
Rash Behari’s Fatakgora house in Chandernagore on 
the Kali Puja night (November 8) in the year 1912.^® 
Satisfied with its potency, Rash Behari sanctioned it 
for use in the. proposed Delhi outrage. The Lahore 
bomb was also similar to the Delhi bomb, and in the 
opinion of the Sessions Judge in the Delhi-Lahore 
Conspiracy Case, the Lahore bomb was in all probabi- 
lity supplied by Rash Behari Bose. That the Delhi and 
Lahore bombs were almost indentical in composition 
is clearly pointed out in the following letter of the 
Chemical Examiner to the Government of 'the Punjab 
and North Western Frontier Province to the Superin- 
tendenit of Police, Lahore, dated May 22, 1913. Referr- 
ing to 'the T.ahore bomb he writes: 

23'. Vide the '.'Titer’s interview with Sri Manindra Nath NaiSk, who was 
in those days in charge of bomib making at Chandeanagore. Sri 
Naik states that the Delhi bomb was brought to Calcutta by 
Nalin Chandra Datta and, having been tested by Professor Suresh 
Chandra Datta of ihe Ripon College, was taScen to Delhi (pr 
elsewhere) by Jyotish Sinha of Chandernagore. 



“It is hardly necessary for me to note the simi- 
larity between 'this bomb and that used last December 
in the attempt on the life of His Excellency the Viceroy 
at Delhi. The same explosives were used in both cases, 
and the small fragments of tin foil, jute carding need- 
les, and pieces of wire were exactly similar in both. 
There can be no doubt that the two bombs were practi- 
cally identical in composition and construction”. He 
further traced the identity of the Lahore bomb with 
the bombs used at Midnapore ' and Maulavibazar in 
December, 1912 and March, 1913 respectively. 

A fair idea of the Delhi-Lahore bombs may be 
formed from the following report of Major J. W. 
Turner, Inspector of Explosives to the Intelligence 
Branch, Bengal, dated January 8, 1914, on the unex- 
ploded Chandernagore bomb (a like-type of the Delhi- 
Lahore bombs) thrown at the Bhadreswar Thana on 
December 30, 1913.*® Major Turner writes in his 
report thus: 

“The bomb, a perfectly constructed specimen of 
its kind, is cylindrical in form, measuring 3X3V16 
inches, weight about 1 lb. 11 ozs., and consists of the 
following ports: 

(lu) A cigarette or tobacco tin (W. D. & H. O. 
Wills) containing the explosive. 

(i) Two iron discs, one perforated, inside the tin. 

(r) Four iron clamps, about 3/4 x 1/16 inches 
X 3 inches. 

(d) A number of jute carding pins of varying 
sizes, laid point to point between the iron clamps. 

(le) Iron or siteel wire about 17 W. G. bound 
round the whole. 

(/) About 11 ozs. of an explosive substance cons- 
isting of, so far as I have been able to ascertain by 

24. Home Political Proceedings of the Govt, of India, Part B, No. 379, 
March 1915. 

25. File No. 1/14 of the I. B. Records, Govt, of West Bengal. 


14 fm Es»3i.u>nfii!r4«iqss 

pr^tical tests, a mixtur/e of Picrie acid and Oblorate 
of Potash, with a piece of guncotton wool for igniting 
the charge. 

(g) The paper cover or frill”. 

The explosive charge generally consisted of (i) 
either Picric Acid and Potassium Chlorate or (ii) 
Ammonium Picrate, a compound from Picric Acid, 
Loth in powder form. On Ae outside of the tobacco 
tin were two layers of loom needles (i.e., jute carding 
pins) kept in place by iron wire. Then the tobacco tin 
fitted with the loom needles was kept intact by means 
of four clamps. A^t the bottom of the, tin inside were 
a number of needles (about 25) passing through a 
perforated iron disc placed over them. Then the 
explosive substance was filled in and a second iron disc 
with a hole in it was placed. A hollow tube with gun- 
cotton inside went through a hole in the lid of 'the tin 
and then passed through the hole of the disc thus 
touching the explosive charge. Two processes were 
generally applied for detonating the bomb — , first, by 
putting phosphorus solution on the gun-cotton before 
the bomb was thrown and, secondly, by placing a paper 
cap containing potassium chlorate, antimony sulphide 
and red phosphorus, on the top of the tin. The cap by 
its contact with the earth used to burst. 

"IvIBERty' as rash b^hari's organ 

The next important event in the life of Rash 
Behari was the publication of the English leaflet, 
Liberty. It has already been noted 'that in the 
meeting at Lahore (October, 1912) presided over by 
Rash Behari Bose, an important decision was taken 
towards the publication of anonymous leaflets with the 
object of foiiienting discontent in the people against 
the British Government. A positive step in this matter 
was the issue of a leaflet in English, named Liberty, 
in May, 1913 following a resolution adopted at another 


meeting held by Abad Behari, Bal Mokand and Dina 
Nath (April, 1913). The leaflet was written by Abad 
Behari, printed at Kapurthala and distributed from 
Inhere in Northern India, preaching such ideas as the 

“Revolution has never been the work of men. It 
i.s always God’s own will worked through instruments. 
Those who are commissioned to bring about mighty 
changes were full of the force of Zeitgeist. Spirit 
enters into them. God Himself worked through 
Khudi Ram Bose, Prafulla Chaki, Kanai L,al Dutt, 
Madan Lai DJiingra and others (Hallowed be their 
sweet memories). The thrower of bomb on the re- 
presentative of the tyrannical Government at Delhi was 
iione else but the spirit of the Dispenser of all things 
Himself. . . . The debt we owe to the noble spirits of 
the martyrs will be paid only when young men of India 
v ill begin to come forward in numbers, each to prove a 
worthy successor of these departed sons .... 

“A grim Revolution is the greatest need of the 
times. Rise, brothers, in spirit. Individual incidents 
like the one at Delhi may strike terrors into the hearts 
of the tyrants but they cannot bring you the desired 
goal. They arc helpful to a very great extent; but 
let us not forget the end and should lose no time for 
the real work. Let us be upi and doing for the great 
work of Revolution, our cherished ideal’’. 

The ideas expressed in the leaflet were so much 
akin to his own that Rash Behari sent a message of con- 
gratulation to Dina Nath stating: “Now big work 
should be done in the Punjab”.*® It ne’eds be noted in 
this connection that by “big work” Rash Behari obvi- 
ously meant armed rising in that sector. The second 
series of Lihetfy embodying a call to revolution was 
issued in July, 1913. 

26. The Judgment of Mr. M. Harrison, the Additional Sessions Judg^ 
in the Delhi-Lahore Conspizaicy of 1914. 




After the bomb outrage at Lahore when inten- 
sive police search was going on, Rash Behari, prompted 
by prudence, came down to Chandernagore in Augfust, 
1913 ‘taking long leave on medical grounds. During 
thisi leave he frequented the Calcutta centres of the 
Anusilan Samiti and kept close touch with its impor- 
tant members. One day in September, 1913, while he 
was at the Badur Bagan mess in company of Pratul 
Chandra Ganguli, he happened to examine a few revol- 
vers recently brought from Dacca by Biren Chatterjee. 
Tc the surprise of all one of them suddenly sent off a 
cartridge causing a violent sound and injuring the 
third finger of Rash Behari’s left hand. Blood was 
oozing profusely from his finger. But without caring 
a little for the bleeding wound, he at once covered it 
with a bed sheet and went straight with Pratul Ganguli 
to the Rajabazar centre for having first aid and then 
left for Chandernagore at night. It may be observed 
ii: passing that those revolvers were meant for murder- 
ing the Head Constable Haripada Deb, which was soon 
effected in College Square by Pratul Chandra Ganguli 
in alliance with Rabindra Nath Sen and Nirmal Kanta 
Roy on September 29, 1913.^® 



In 1913, Sachindra Nath Sanyal, the leader of the 
Benares group of revolutionaries, came into close con- 

27. Vide Moti Lai Roy’s Almar Dekha Biplab 0 BipUM (Calcutta, 
1967, p. 101) and the ■writer’s interview ■with Sri Nalini Kidiore 
Guha of the Anusilan Sarmti in April, 1965. Sri Guha. has narrated 
to the interviewer that he was present in the Rajabazar centre 
when Rash Behari along ■with Ptatul Chandra Oaa{^i ■went there 
just foUowng the rwddent 

28. Pratul Chandra Ganguli’s serial articles entitled BipKUHr Jibou- 
Darshan pufaiished in the nxnithly Prabad during 1367-68 B.S. 
See the Choitra issue of 1368 B.S. in this connection. The fact 
noted above is also corroborated fay Sri Frafulla Kumar Biswas, 
of the Anusilan Samiti, now residing at Sodepur near Calcutta. 


tact with the Bengal revolutionaries. As early as 1908 
Sachindra Nath had started a society at Benares, called 
the Anusilan Samiti, the objects of which were the 
promotion of the physical, moral and intellectual quali- 
ties of its members. After the Anusiilan Samiti of 
Dacca had been proclaimed as an unlawful institution, 
Sachindra Nath renamed his society as the Young 
Men’s Association within which he developed an inner 
circle of close following. This innermost group led by 
Sachindra Nath was imbued with the ideal of working 
out the country’s liberation by blood and fire, and were 
therefore sceptical of the moderate views of the parent 
organization. At the close of 1912 or early 1913, 
Sachindra Nath seceded from the parent body and 
“formed a new party the object of which was to get in 
touch with the Bengal anarchists and to carry on a 
similar work in the United Provinces. The obtaining 
of arms and ammunition, the manufacture of bombs, 
the distribution of seditious literature, and tampiering 
with the loyalty of the troops were among the means 
to be employed. From this time the activities of 
Sachindra and his friends became definitely criminal 
in character. Sachindra did in fact get in touch with 
the Bengal anarchists through one Makhan Babu who 
introduced him to Sasanka Mohan Hazra, and 
Sachindra used to visit Bengal from time to time and 
obtain both funds and bombs from that source. In the 
autumn of 1913 seditious literature was distributed by 
hand to a number of schools and colleges in Benares, 
while some members pasted seditious leaflets on walls, 
and other copies of leaflets were distributed through 
the post”.®* 

According to Denham’s Report on “Benares as a 
Centre of Revolutionary Activity” (June, 1915), Rash 

29. The Judgment in the Benares Conspiiacy C&se, as reported in the 
Stct&smm of February 15, 1916. 


Behari serfeitly tnet the Benares revolutionaries during 
his visits to that place in course of 1912. Both Nalini 
Mohan Mukherjee and Bisweswar Goswami of Benares 
have informed the present writer independently that 
they met Rash Behari for the first time in Benares as 
early as 1912. It is therefore almost certain that Rash 
Behari also met Sachindra Nath at Benares about this 
time. But Sachindra Nath was not drawn close to 
Rash Behari until his visit to Calcutta in the later part 
of the following year (1913). As Sachindra Nath’s 
interview with Makhan Lai Sen bore no fruit, he went 
to the Rajabazar centre of Amrita Laf Hazra (alias 
Sasanka) and Pratul Chandra Gang^li of the Anusilan 
Samiti who in their turn introduced him to Srish 
Chandra Ghose, Moti I^al Roy and Rash Behari Bose of 
Chandemagore. Already by 1912 a close alliance had 
been forged between the Anusilan Samiti and the 
Chandernagore revolutionaries through the instrumen- 
tality of Pratul Chandra Ganguli and Amrita Lai 
Hazra. Soon after Sachindra Nath was drawn close 
to Rash Behari and incorporated into his inner 
circle. Rash Behari Bose attributed the name of 
“Lattu” to him in appreciation of his restless nature. 
It was in this milieu that the possibility of organizing 
a revolution in India jointly by the Bengal, Punjab 
and U. P. revolutionaries was seriously discussed and 
assessed by them. 

Besides, during this period (1913-14) intimate 
personal contact was also established between Rash 
Behari Bose and Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee through the 
instrumentality of Amarendra Nath Chatterjee at the 
“Sramajibi Samabaya". In 1913 was arranged a secret 
meeting of these three revolutionaries under the 
P<mch<ahaH trees at Dakshineswar near Calcutta, where 
they discussed and devised a plan of armed rising, 
modelled on the Rising of 1857, with the help of the 
British Indian Army. Aftef thiii. Rash Behari had 


also been to the Fort William to sound the feelings of 
the local Sepoys and Havildars®®, but could not make 
much keadway in 'that direction. A passion for revolu- 
tion had by this time seized his mind and was goading 
him on. His contact with Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee 
added a new impulse to his revolutionary zeal. In him 
Rash Behari discovered a real leader of men and so 
he asked him to take charge of the Bengal front should 
such an eventuality arise in the future. Rash Behari 
also requested Moti Lai Roy to pay a personal visit to 
Pondicherry in order to obtain the blessings of Sri 
Aurobindo for* the contemplated armed rising. In 
pursuance of this request Moti Lai Roy set out for 
Pondicherry in the guise of an Englishman with 
Sudarshan Chatter jee as his waiter. After three 
months’ stay with Sri Aurobindo (Sept.-Nov., 1913) 
Moti Lai returned to Chandernagore with the latter’s 
moral sanction to the cause. 


According to plan, Pratul Chandra Ganguli,. 
accompanied by Sachindra Nath Sanyal, came to 
Benares to examine the suitability of Benares as a 
centre of future plotting. He put up at Sachindra 
Nath’s Bengalitola residence, and after touring in 
Ayodh 3 ra, Lucknow, Cawnpore and Agra he returned to 
his base at Calcutta®^, Next, Rash Behari set out to 
visit Benares, Delhi and Lahore with the object of mobi- 
lising the scattered forces into a revolutipnary upsurge. 
According to Amarendra Nath Chatterjee, Jyotindra 
Nath also accompanied Rash Behari to Benares to forge 

30. The letters of Amarendra Nath Chatterjee dated 4.8.54 and 4.9.^ 

incoiporated in Dr. Jadugopal Mufcberjee'a Bengali work BipUm 
fibrner Smriti as wdl as the former’s unpublished Bengali MSS on 
**Bharater Sufadhimt^ Itihas'" (p. 34). . 

31. Pfobad, Cboitra, 1388 B.S. four Pratul Ganguli^s article entitled 
BipMIr fMtt-EhrskBUti 



personal contacts with the Benares group of revolu- 
tionaries then led by Sachindra Nath Sanyal. But 
Rash Behari’s work in that sector was cut short by 
the Delhi searches of February, 1914 resulting in the 
arrest of Amir Chand, Abad Behari and a few others 
as well as in the issue of a warrant for his arrest 
(February 20, 1914). Immediately after 'this Rash 
Behari fled to Chandernagore, a French colony, to 
escape imprisonment. During this period a constant 
companion to Rash Behari was Chandra Ghose 
who tried his utmost to protect his revolutionary com- 
rade from all possible peril. The room of his house 
in which Rash Behari put up at this time was constantly 
Utpt under lock and key from outside, and Rash' 
Behari had to perform his daily ablutions under cover 
of darkness. Food was also supplied to him with the 
utmost secrecy. On March 8, 1914 his house was sud- 
denly searched by the Calcutta police headed by Mr. 
Denham and Mr. Tegart, but in spite of their best 
efforts no trace of Rash Behari could be obtained, 
although Rash Behari was not then far away from his 
dwelling house. About this police raid the Weekly 
Report of the Bengal Intelligence Branch dated July 29, 
1914 states that “he (Rash Behari) was present at home 
on the night his house was searched at Chandernagore, 
and actually watched the search from behind a mango 
tiee in his garden close by”. This report finds corro- 
boration also in Bejon Behari Bose’s articles on “Nirav 
Viplavi Srish Chandra” as published in monthly 
Prcpivirtak during 1958-1959. There the writer 
observes that Srish Chandra Ghose who could some- 
how anticipate the coming danger, managed to keep 
Pash Behari in hiding in the vicinity of his house at 
midnight, and as soon as the police had left the pre- 
mises, the much- wanted man appeared on the scene. 
The same source also relates that following this police 
raid Srish Chandra arranged for Rash Behari’s stay 


at Hatkhola for some time imder the care of Narendra 
Nath Banerjee. 


Meanwhile the political situation of the country 
was rapidly taking a critical turn, and Rash Behari’s 
stay at Chandernagore was also coming to an abrupt 
end. He preferred the perils of adventure to a life of 
safety in hiding for an indefinite period. His passion 
for revolution soon led him to undertake once again 
■organizing wo?k in Northern India. Before he went 
imderground with the warrant of arrest dogging his 
footsteps and a Punjab Government announcement of 
a reward of Rs. 5,000 (later enhanced to Rs. 12,000 
or more) for his detection, he posted a touching letter 
from Calcutta to his father at Simla (early April, 
1914) which, in part, reads as follows: 

“After crores of salutations, my submission is this 
that you have surely heard by this time that I am now 
entangled in a net of dangers of -the most terrible 
nature. Though God knows that I am wholly innocent, 
yet through the influence of my stars, I am today in 
the eyes of all, an accused in the Delhi case. This is 
perhaps my last letter. Bu't I trust you will never 
look upon me as faithless and guilty. I say in the 
name of God that I am wholly innocent. Be that as it 
may, everything is happening through the influence of 
stars and I too am being drifted along in 'Iheir revolu- 
tions. What can I do? Man can never alter fate. 
Besides, when the most mighty Governmen't: is my 
antagonist, it will be extremely difficult (for me) to 
■ebtain justice in the Court. However, whatever is 
•decreed by fate, will come to happen. I had been 
dreaming of how you might get happiness in the end 
of your life, when the terrible bolt from heaven fell. 
Don’t waste money for nothing by engaging pleader 


for me, for it is almost an impossibility to fight against 
the Government ... I resign everything into the hands, 
of God ; do pray to Him for my welfare” 


Since the issue of a warrant for his arrest m 
February, 1914 Rash Behari Bose began to carry on 
his revolutionary activities from behind the scenes. 
After spending a few weeks at Chandernagore in con- 
cealment, he finally left Bengal and made his new 
headquarters at Benares. At Benares l^jp worked as an 
underground revolutionary from April, 1914 to 
January, 1915. During this period he put up for a few 
months in the house of a retired health officer at Missir 
Pokhra. At day time he did not generally stir out of 
doors and would come out only after dusk to meet his 
comrades either at the ghats of the Ganges or on the 
river bed. The skill and ingenuity with which he kept 
himself concealed at this period from the gaze of the 
police, surprised even his enemies. The Special Com- 
missioners appointed in the Benares Conspiracy Case 
observed in this connection: 

“It is a remarkable fact that Rash Behari, though a 
leward was offered for his arrest and his photograph 
had been widely circulated, should have succeeded in 
living in Benares during nearly the whole of the year 
1914 without the police l>eing aware of his presence.”®® 

At Benares Rash Behari gave a new momentum 
to the revolutionary forces and “practically took charge 
of the movement’’ with Sachindra Nath Sanyal as his 
chief lieutenant. The main plank of his operation was 

32. The Intelligence Branch iRecords of the Government of West Bengal 
preserve to this day the official Engli^ translation of the afore* 
said letter of Rash Bdiari (originally mitten in Benrali) to his 
father ’bearing the Calcutta postmark and reacli^g his father at 
Simla on April 9, 1914. 

33. The Judgment in the Benares Cbn^racy Case dated 14.2.1916w 
as r^oited in the Swe^man on the following date-. 


to organize an armed rising by the Bengal, Punjab and 
U. P. revolutionaries acting in unison with the British 
Indian army. Among the persons who used to frequent 
the Missir Pokhra residence of ‘Rash Behari we come 
across Sachindra Nath Sanyal, Nalini Mohan Mbk- 
herjee, Narendra Nath Banerjee, Preo Nath Bhatta- 
charya, Bibhuti Bhusan Haidar, Ashutosh Roy,. 
Manma'tha Biswas etc. To these persons Rash Behari 
often explained the mechanism of bombs and revolvers 
as well as the technique to operaite them. The bombs 
were of the Chandernagore tyf>e whose cap remained 
detached from the main body of the bomb and only at 
the time of throwing it the cap was attached to cause 
percussion. On November 18^ 1914, while Rash Behari 
was examining some bombs recently brought from 
Calcutta, two bomb caps suddenly exploded producing 
an alarming sound and causing severe injuries to Rash 
Behari’s person. Sachindra Nath Sanyal also was 
slightly wounded. 

pingIlEy's contact with rash behari 

Immediately after this accident Rash Behari 
changed his residence from Missir Pokhra to Bengali- 
tola in Benares and thence to a house on the Harish 
Chandra Ghat Road.®* While living at Bengalitola, he 
was visited by V, G. Pingley, a Marathi young man of 
Telegaon of the Poona district. After the break-up of 
the Samantha Vidyalaya of which he was a student,*® 
Pingley had been to America in 1911 to join the Uni- 
versity at Seattle; but, within a short time* he was caught 

34. In Bengalitola RasS Behari had to diange his residence frequently 
from Madanpura to Debnathpma, from Debnatl^wra to Khalil 
pura etc. just to escam the notice of the police. Throughout his 
absconding life in India he used to put on masked attire, some- 
times even the dress erf a. woman. Rash Behari in the dress of 
a Rinjafai or a Pathan was a very common feature. 

35. For a brief idea of the Samartha Vidyalaya and its connection with 
the National Cotmdl of Education, Bengal, see the book oititled 
The Oxi^HS Of The Natianci Education Mopement (Calcutta, 1937,. 
p. 133) written by the present writer jointly ■mth H. Mukhdrj^- 


in the whirlwind of Ghadr politics in America, and 
returned home as a confirmed Ghadarite on November 
20, 1914. Through the instrumentality of Satyen Sen, 
bis companion, a nephew of Bejoy Krishna Roy of 
Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee’s party, Pingley soon came 
into touch with Jyotin Mukherjee and with a letter of 
introduotioh from the latter met Rash Behari at 
Benares. Pingley informed Rash Behari of the arrival 
of thousands of Ghadr men in the Punjab with the 
avowed object of consummating a revolution in India 
and of the prospective arrival of a few more thousands 
after the movement was set on foot. *' 

A veteran organizer of conspiracy. Rash Behari 
sent Pingley accompanied by Sachindra Nath Sanyal 
to the Punjab to gather first-hand information of the 
Punjab situation. It is to be observed in this connec- 
tion that in October, 1914 several thousands of Sikhs 
of the Ghadr party had actually arrived in the Punjab 
with the mission of organizing a revolution in India. 
These men included Nawab Khan, Mula Singh, Nidhon 
Singh, Udham Singh and many others. In course of 
November-December, 1914 a few “actions” were 
planned and even attempted by these men, but all 
proved abortive. The two major limitations from 
which the exclusive Ghadr conspiracy in India suf- 
fered were that it lacked in leadership capable of unify- 
ing the small bands of conspirators acting under minor 
leaders (such as Nidhon Singh or Mula Singh or 
Nawab Khan) into an organised revolutionary party, 
and, secondly, it lacked in arms and ammunition. These 
Ghadr men hardly knew the technjflue of bomb manu- 
facture and^he revolvers in their possession were also 
too inadequate for the purpose. 


A natural result of these abortive attempts was a 
temporary lull in the Ghadr activities. For a time 



they seemed to be groping in ithe dark, knowing not 
which way to move. At this psychological moment the 
despatch of Pingley by Rash Behari to the Punjab ap- 
peared as a veritable god-send. Pingley met Amar 
Singh, Nidhon Singh, Kartar Singh, Parmanand and 
Ram Sarah Das in Kapurthala and held out to them 
the possibility of co-operation of the Bengal revolu- 
tionaries with their cause. Shortly after this an im- 
portant meeting was held at the Virpali Dharmasala, 
Amritsar (December 31, 1914) and attended by Kartar 
Singh, Parmanand, Harnam Singh I, Pingley, Nidhon 
Singh, Balwant .Singh, Mula Singh and others. From 
judicial records we learn that at this meeting “the 
revolution was discussed, the looting of treasuries again 
mooted, the contribution of money considered, the 
seduction of troops, the collection of arms, the prepara^ 
lion of bombs, and the commission of dacoities brought 
into prominence.” “Part of the gathering,” the judi- 
cial records state further, “adjourned to Sant Gulab 
Singh’s Dharmasala, where an experimental bomb was 
made and tried with success, and the proposal originally 
made by Pingley to bring up a Bengali expert 

Sachindra Nath Sanyal also met a number of 
Ghadr revolutionaries in the Punjab and discussed 
with them the prospects of bomb-making under the 
direction of a Bengali leader, viz., Rash Behari Bose. 
Not merely a resolution to the effect was adopted at 
the Amritsar meeting, but some positive steps in that 
direction were also taken. Mula Singh, ttie local leader 
of Amritsar, offered to Sachindra Nath Rupees Five 
Hundred (January 12, 1915) as travel expenses of 
Rash Behari and his party from Benares, and a house 
was also secured from Mussamat Atri in Amritsar for 

36. The Judgmeat in the Laliore Conspiracy Case as ddivered by 
A. A. Irvine. President, and T. P. Ellis and Sheo Nanun, Spedai 
Commissioaers, on September 13, 1915. 


fhe purpose. Enussaries were also sent to Lahore and 
Jhabewal for the collection of materials for bomb 

On the return of Pingley and Sachindra Nath 
Sanyal to Benares a fruitful meeting was held in Rash 
Behari’s house on the Harish Chandra Ghat Road 
about the middle of January, 1915. At this meeting 
Rash Behari exhorted his followers to get ready for 
the February rising and declared before them that “a 
rebellion was to take place all over the country and that 
the time had come when they must prepare to die for 
their country”.®® Rash Behari chalked out a plan of 
v'^ork at that meeting and announced that Damodar 
Swarup would be the leader at Allahabad, Bibhuti and 
Preo Nath would go to the Benares lines to seduce the 
troops, and Nalini Mukherjee would go to Jabbalpore. 
for the same purixjse. Narendra Nath Banerjee and 
Preo Nath Bhattacharya were to bring arms from 
Bengal while Vinayak Rao Kaple and Hem Chandra 
Datta would convey them to the Punjab. From the 
Punjab, it was also arranged, Vinayak would come to 
Cawnpore to assume the local charge of the affairs, 
Pingley would see the Indian troops everywhere, and 
the Punjabi revolutionaries woukl be working at 
F'erozepore. Kalipada Mukherjee and Ananda Charan 
Bhattacharya were to be kept as reserves in Benares. 
Rash Behari explained further at the meeting “how to 
blow up bridges, how to cut telegraph wires, how to 
destroy railway lines, and how to loot treasuries and 
banks”. Besides, Rash Behari informed his comrades 
that he himself was going to the Punjab with Sachindra 
Nath Sanyal and Pingley to organize the revolution, 
of which the exact date would be later announced after 
liis consultation with the Ghadr men. This meeting 

37. Ibid. 

38. The Judgnu&nt in the Benares Conspiracy Case as reported in the 
Statesman on February 15, 1916. 


at Rash Behari’s house was attended by Sachindra 
Nadi Sanyal, Damodar Swarup Seth, V. G. Pingley, 
Narendra Nath Banerjee, Vinayak Rao Kaple, Jamna 
Das and Bibhuti Bhusan Haidar, 


After Rash Behari had assumed the supreme com- 
mand of the Benares affairs (1914), the Anusilan 
Samiti of Dacca and the Chandernagore centre of Mali 
I,al Roy began to work in close unison with the Benares 
group of revolutionaries. In this connection Sachindra 
Nath Sanyal hjis stated in his Baitdi-Jiban. (Vol, I) 
that since the historic amalgamation of 1913 the revolu- 
tionaries all over north India from the Punjab, Delhi 
and Benares to Chandernagore and Dacca had been 
for all practical purposes united for effecting a revolu- 
tionary upsurge in India with the help of the British 
Indian army. The other political parties of Bengal 
were completely unaware of this momentous develop- 

That Rash Behari was bent upon organizing an 
armed revolution by exploiting the internal forces with- 
out waiting for ilhe arrival of German arms is clearly 
reflected in his conversation with Kedareswar Guha of 
the Anusilan Samiti. Kedareswar Guha, sent to 
Germany by Naren Sen in 1912 with the object of secur- 
ing German help on behalf of Indian revolutionaries, 
returned to Calcutta from America (October, 1914) 
carrying definite information from Dhiren Sarkar, his 
class-mate in the Bengal National College, Calcutta, of 
•the formation of the Berlin-India Committee and the 
readiness of the German Government to send arms to 
India. Kedareswar met Rash Behari in Benares with 
a letter of initroduction from Anukul Chakravarty 
(alias Thakur), then the leader of the Anusilan Samiti. 
On learning the message of Kedareswar Guha on a 
boat over the Ganges after dusk, Rash Behari plainly 


informed him that in spite of the assurance of the 
German Government to send arms to India ito strengthen 
the hands of Indian revolutionaries, he was not going to 
put off his plan in expectation of this uncertain element, 
but would follow up his own course of action.®® Mean- 
while, emissaries had always been sent from Benares 
to Chandernagore carrying Rash Behari’s instructions 
to his followers during the ai-med rising that was coming 
ahead. Before Rash Behari left, for the Punjab, he had 
called AnukuL Chakra vanty and Nagen Datta (alias 
Girija Babu) to Benares, who met him in his house on 
the Harish Chandra Ghat Road and fopnd Pingley and 
Kartar Singh also present there. Rash Behari asked 
Anukul to arrange for simultaneous bomb outrages all 
over Bengal and to seduce the Benares regiment then 
posted at Dacca. On their return Girija Babu remained 
at Calcutta to look after Calcutta affairs while Anukul 
Chakravarty moved towards Dacca to carry through 
the task assigned to him.^® Information was also sent 
from Calcutta to the districts of Malda, Coochbihar, 
Dinajpur, Rajsahi etc. to get ready for the eventual 
attack on the police lines and the treasuries on the 
appointed day.^^ After the Mussalmanpara bomb out- 
rage, Prafulla Kumar Biswas went to Paltna, trying 
there to create incitement in the Danapur Cantonment. 

It has to be noted also that in response to Rash 
Behari’s invitation Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee along 
with Narendra Nath Bhattacharya (alias M. N. Roy) 

39. Kedareswar Guha’s statement incorporated in Bmglay Biplab-bcd 
by Nalini Kishore Guha (Calcuitta, 1954),, pp. 138-143. 

40. Sri Anukul Chakravarty has informed tiie •writer that he met two 
Rajput soldiers, Bhup Singh and Kartar Singh, of the Benares 
regiment on the Dacca-bound steamer and had talk •with thenw 
At Dacca he tried to seduce them, and he gave Rs. 30(V- to 
Kartar Sin^. But after sometime that regiment was transferred* 
from B^,nares. 

41. Asnidintfr Kotha by Satis Pakrasi (1947). pp. 46-47. Sri Nalini 
I^ta Ghose has informed the present writer that he -was then 
in charge of the Rajsahi district and that it was he who gave 
orders to blow off the Police Training College at Sardah, Rajsahi,, 
in the Fetmary Revctlt of 1915. 


iuid Atul Krishna Ghose travelled to Benares to meet- 
ibim. Rash Behari not merely disclosed his plan to^ 
Jyotindra Nath, but also asked him to take the command, 
of Bengal*®, and himself went to Amritsar to assume 
the diredtion of affairs there with Mula Singh as his 
right-hand man. 


By the middle of January, 1915 Rash Behari 
arrived in Amritsar and put up at IVItissamat Atri’s 
house in Chauk Baba Atal, maintaining strict secrecy 
and receiving rovolutionary workers at the Sant Gulab 
Singh’s Dharmasala. No sooner had he come to 
Amritsar than he plunged himself into the preparatory 
work including bomb manufacture and employed Amar 
Singh and Ram Saran Das as his: assistants. He also 
sent emissaries to Benares who “returned bringing a 
biscuit tin with bombs in it”. Besides, a bomb factory 
was set up at Jhabewal, which was afterwards trans- 
ferred to Lohatbadi. At this stage several political 
dacoities were committed art. Jhanir, Rabhon, Sahnewal 
and Mansuran, and as a sequel of the Chabba dacoity 
(February 2-3, 1915) in which the dacoits had to 
encounter police resistance. Rash Behari alt once 
shifted his headquarters from Amritsar to Lahore on 
February 2, 1915. At Lahore Rash Behari’s major 
pie-occupation was to devise ways and means for the 
seduction of troops, and to send emissaries to 
jullundhar, Bannu, Kohat, Rawalpindi, Peshwar, 
jhelum, Kapurthala, Ferozepore, Meerut, Ambala etc. 
in order to influence both the infantry and the cavalry 
men. After having obtained the information of their 
ready response Rash Behari announced on February 
12 that the general rising from Peshwar to Bengal 
would take place on February 21 and a tri-coloured flag 

42. Atul Kriahna Ghose's statement as incorporated in Banglay 
BifikUit-bad, p. 320. 




— yellow (Sikh), red (Hindu) and blue (Muslim) — 
would be hoisted on thait date. Intimation was sent 
to different cantonments and every possible arrange- 
ment was perfected for the armed rising. As die 
Sedition CommiM\ee Report of 1918 puts it: Rash 
Behari went to Lahore and “sent out emissaries to 
various cantonments in Upper India to procure military 
aid for the appointed day. He also tried to organize 
the collection of gangs of villagers to take part in the 
rebellion. Bombs were prepared ; arms were got 
together; flags were made ready; a declaration of war 
was drawn up ; instruments were collected for destroy- 
ing railways and telegraph wires. In the meantime, 
however, in order to raise funds for the financing of 
the enterprise, some Punjab revolutionaries had com- 
mitted various dacoities”.^^ It was also arranged +hat 
an outbreak in Mian Mir would serve as the signal, 
and it appears that simultaneous risings were desigpied 
at Lahore, Ferozepore and Rawalpindi, spreading to 
Jabbalpore, Benares and other places in quick succes- 
sion. The Sedition Committee Report further states 
that “at least two or three revolutionaries in Eastern 
Bengal were on the 8th of February aware of what 
v/as in contemplation, and were arranging for a rising 
at Dacca if the Sikh revolt materialised.” But un- 
fortunately, the rising did not take place, as the signal 
for the outbreak was never struck due to the treachery 
of a man, Kripal Singh, who allowed himself to be 
used as a spy by the police. His suspicious movements 
near the Lahore station on February 15 at a time when 
he was expected to be in Mian Mir to convey Rash 

4S. It is to be noted that the said declaration of war was entitled 
‘Yuddha Gfaosana’ written in Hindi. It was drafted under Radi 
BdiariV instruotions by one of his followers, and after its collec- 
tion by Rash Behari, hundreds of copies of the saine were made 
on the duplicat'o-. As to the flags referred to above. Sir Michael 
O’ Dwyer writes in his India As I Knm It that four rdid flags 
were captured ^ the irolico raid on Lahore on February 19, 1915, 
one of which Sir Michael dainied and held as a souvenir (p. 202). 



Behan’s message to the troops, caused serious mis- 
givings in the mind of some revolutionaries who 
happened to see him. Gifted with a rare sense of 
realism and insight Rash Behari at once changed the 
date for the contemplated rising from February 21 to 
February 19, and hurriedly took all necessary steps in 
that direction. But, again, the whole programme fell 
through as the police in liaison with Kripal Singh 
succeeded in raiding the Mbchi Gate House of Rash 
Behari at Lahore on the 19th and putting several 
persons under arrest. Thus the whole conspiracy 
collapsed, but Rash Behari and Pingley managed to 
escape to Benares.^"* 

The Sedition Committee Report evaluates the 
whole thing in the following words: 

“The success attained was extremely small, but the 
seed sown must have caused some tragedies had not 
the plan for a concerted rising on the 21st of February 
been nipped in the bud” (p. 110). 

Failure or the PinglEy Mission at Meerut 

On his reiturn to Benares along with Vinayak Rao 
Kaple, Rash Behari’s major concern was how to save 

44. It is interesting to 'read what the Judgment in the Lahore Conspi- 
racy Case said about the collapse of the movement: *‘On the 
15th February, when there was a large meeting in Lahore he 
(Kripal Singh) had wired to Liaqat Hyat Khan to coane up 
from Amritsar to arrest the gathering. The wire was delayed and 
the police arriving late at Lahore were met by Kripal Sii^h at 
the station, and he told them it was too late*'. Meanwhile his 
secret manipulation was seen through and the contemplated rising 
was ante-dated the 19th. Then the Judgment continued: 

“Kripal Singh found this out on his Tetum. from Dadhir and 
told the Amritsar police who were in Lahore waiting for a raid 
on the imorning of the 19th. 

“He remained in the Mochi Gate house throughout the 19th 
waiting for the leaders to assemble before giving a signal to the 
Police, but by the afternoon, thou^ the principal leaders had 
not collected having reason to believe those present intended to 
murder him he gave a pre-arranged signal to the police. The 
house was raided, some of the revolutionists captured and the 
centre of orEranization -was broken. Rash Behari Bose appears to 
have fled, others of the revolutionists disappeared, others fromi 
time to time have been arrested.” 


his Benares colleagues from ithe clutches of the police. 
Sachindra Nath San3ral has stated in this connection 
that while the Government employed all their resources 
to bind down Rash Behari Bose, the latter too devoted 
his whole energies to keep his Benares party intact. 
With this great task ahead, Rash Behari had to spend 
more than a month at Benares, safely eluding the grasp 
of the police who was pursuing him like a bull dog.*® 

While Rash Behari was staying at Benares, Pingley 
came from Meerut after having felt the pulse of the 
troops there. Meerut was a familiar place for Pingley 
where he had worked in the early pajt of February 
among the 128th Pioneers and the 12th Cavalry, in 
company with Kartar Singh and Sucha Singh. !]^sh 
Behari was no longer in favour of ‘inciting’ the army, 
but on Pingley’s insistence to have a second chance 
among the Meerut troops he had to concede even 
against his will. 

About March 20, 1915 Pingley returned to Benares 
with Nadir Khan, an Afghan Jamadar of the 12th 
Cavalry, and brought to Meerut ten live bombs con- 
cealed in a steel trunk. Mr. Cleveland, the Director 
cf Criminal Intelligence of the Government of India, 
writes in his N^ot^ on Meerut Bomb Affair that 
the Afghan who accompanied Pingley to Benares was 
taken to a house blindfolded in the dark and was 
introduced to a Bengali leader who, on cross-examining 
him and on being satisfied that he was a genuine 
mutineer with large following behind, “ordered that 
the bombs should be given and also. told him various 
things about the plans of the revolutionaries. Among 
other things he said that he had made 300 bombs for 
the 12th Cavalry. . . He also explained to the sower 
the method cf using thie phosphorus solution to make 
slow fuses for the bombs”.*® 

45. Sachindra Naith Sanyal’s Bondt-Jiban (Vol. II, 1925). 

46. The N 4 )te of Mr. Qevdanid, the Director of Crimilnal Intelligence* 


According to Mr. Cleveland, this Bengali leader 
was no other than Rash Behari Bose himself. But as 
ill luck would have it, the Meerut scheme again fell 
through due to the treachery of the Afghan Jamadar 
who had accompanied Pingley to Benares. On the 
night of March 23 the Officer commanding the 12th 
Cavalry on being previously informed, suddenly raided 
one of the sower’s quarters in his lines where he 
foimd Pingley displaying 10 picric acid bombs, 10 
glass phials and a written formula for bomb making. 
Pingley was at once put under arrest and subsequently 
hanged on a 'charge of treason. Colonel Muspratt 
Williams, the Chief Inspector of Explosives to the 
Government of India, described these bombs as of the 
Delhi pattern and “of a highly dangerous character”.*^ 
In Mr. Cleveland’s view the “Meerut programme was 
a mere item in the big scheme of the combined Ghadr 
and Bengali party”. He further states: “I believe 
that at the present moment the Ghadr party in the 
Punjab is disorganised and beaten. The revolutionary 
party in Bengal is on the other hand well-organised 
and flushed by success. Rash Behari who has been so 
active in behaving towards the Punjabis as the Germans 
have done towards the Turks has hitherto brought 
upon his dupes far more trouble than success and has 
also risked a disclosure of a part of the Bengali organi- 
sation in his efforts to amalgamate it with the Punjab 
schemes. Judging however from our experience of 
Rash Behari in the past it is probable that he may be 
quite undiscouraged by the failures and risks incurred 
and will forthwith seek out new centres and fresh 
partisans”. Mr. Cleveland whose animosity to the 

Delhi, dated 25.3.1915. Also see the Judgment in the Lahore 
Conspiracy Case. 

47. It has been leamt by the present writer from Sri Manindra Nath 
Naik of Chandemagore that the ten Meerut bombs were manu- 
factured at Chandemagore and thence brought to Benares l^y 
Manmatha Nath Biswas. 



revolutionaries was so pronounced, was however 
shrewd enough to observe the distinction that was 
noticeable at that time between the Punjabi and the 
Bengali revolutionaries. According to him, the 
Bengali revolutionaries were made up of sterner stuff. 
“The Sikhs and Mahomedans of the Ghadr party”, 
he observed, “are so prone to be ostentatious and to 
make statements when arrested that their Bengali 
allies will possibly feel nervous before long of trusting 
them very far. A most urgent requirement is the 
discovery and destruction of the nest at Benares”.*® 


Rash Behari’s Rethinking on the 
Indian Situation 

The tragic end the attempted rising met with 
successively at Lahore and Meerut carried important 
lessons for Rash Behari who now became convinced 
of the futility of the method he had hitherto pursued 
for 'an armed Indian rising with the help of the Indian 
army serving under the British. The supreme 
importance of foreign assistance, both military and 
financial, forced itself upon his mind at this stage. He 
began to think of undertaking a tour abroad for his 
mission. Once, in the year 1914, after the warrant 
for his arrest had been issued, Srish Chandra Ghose 
and other Chandernagore friends of Rash Behari 
urged him to flee from India to escape arrest, and even 
a ticket for that purpose was purchased. But as Rash 
Behari felt that his work in India had not yet been 
done, he tore the ticket into pieces. This time, however, 
graver circumstances counselled him to flee from the 
country. Rash Behari himself has narrated in his 
Atmak<jitha (Autobiographical Sketch) the great 
truth ;that the revolutionary parties in India were not 
lacking either in man-power or in “disciplined organisa- 

48. Mr. Geravland’s second and third Notes on Meerut Bomb Affair, 
dated S1.2.191S and 14.4.1915. 


tion”, but sadly lacking in arms and ammunitions on 
account of which ithey had to tread the dangerous path 
of contacting the British Indian army. Had there 
been sufficient arms in the hands of the revolutionaries, 
so argued Rash Behari, a revolution could have l>een 
effected in India by the civilians alone, notwithstanding 
the arrest of a few persons here and there. Hence he 
decided that the country should first be honey-combed 
with “small arms” before a second attempt could be 
successfully undertaken. Another factor that handi- 
capped the revolutionaries was, in Rash Behari’s view, 
the lack of funds. Money secured by means of politi- 
cal dacoities or received as gifts from a few monied 
men was found to be too inadequate for big work. He 
now clearly perceived, as Cavour did a century ago in 
Italy, that a suliject people could not secure their 
independence without international assistance. 

RASH behari’s flight FROM INDIA 

The news of the arrest of Pingley at Meerut 
(Mlarch 23, 1915) and of Srish Chandra Ghose at 
Howrah (about this time) dealt a severe blow to Rash 
Behari’s mind. The shock seemed unbearable for a 
time, and profoundly disturbed in mind, he left for 
Chandemagore along with Nalini Mohan Mukherjee. 
prom his house at Tripurabhairavi Brahmapuri in 
Benares Rash Behari and Nalini Mohan started for 
Bengal. They were received by Jyotish Sinha (alias 
Pasupalti) at the Mogra station who escorted them to 
Chandemagore. Rash Behari passed ’a few days in 
that French colony in absolute secrecy and firmly 
decided in consultation with Moti Lai Roy to leave for 
Japan. It was further decided that he would travel in 
the name of P. N. Tagore, posing as a relative of 

49. Jtash ^Beharir Atmalmha as published in the Prabortak moaUbly 
for fmstha, 1331 B.S. 



Rabindra Nath Tagore whose journey to Japan was 
scheduled for the near future, in order to create a 
general impression in interested circles that P. N-. 
Tagore was preceding Rabindra Nath only t 0 | make 
necessary arrangements for the poet’s reception in that 
foreign land. During this period of his Chandernagore 
stay, Rash Behari lived in the house of Sagar Kali 
Ohose like a “Bhatchaj Brahmin” with a big sacred 
thread on and a long tikki. Meanwhile, while his 
preparations for Japan tour were under progp-ess, he 
spent the interim period of over a month at Nabadwip 
along with a Marathi young man. Anukul Chakravarty 
(alias Thakur) who was then at Nabadwip was sent 
by Rash Behari to Dacca for securing money. With 
money from Anukul Chakravarty Girija Babu soon 
came to Nabadwip after which Rash Behari, in consul- 
tation with Girija Babu, Sachin Sanyal and Pasupati, 
decided to go to Calcutta via Chandernagore.®® A few 
days before his steamship Swiuki Marti would leave 
the Calcutta port. Rash Behari reached Calcutta and 
a ticket was purchased for him. He met some of his 
associates, viz., Sachindra, Damodar, Bibhuti, Pasupati 
etc., in a room on the second floor above the Dharmatala 
post-office, exhorting them to vigorously continue the 
organizational work under the guidance of Sachindra 
Nath Sanyal and Girija Babu during his absence.®^ On 
May 12, 1915 Rash Behari departed from India. He 
reached Japan on June 5 and after some initial diffi- 
culties settled down to work for 'the supreme cause of 
India’s liberation. 

50. Sri Amikul Chandra Chakravarty, aged 77, has communicated to 
the writer on 8.7.1966 that he sent money from Dacca to Rash 
Behari Bose at Nabadwip through Girija Babu, but he does iwt 
remember whether he Rash Behari at Nabadwip. So far as 
he can recollect, he had left Nabadwip before Rash Behari went 
to that place. 

51. The Judgment in the Benares Con^racy Case. Also see Rash 
Bekirtr Mmahatha in the Asast, 13S1 B.S. issue of the monthly 




The political career of Rash Behari was full of 
perils and adventures. He found himself repeatedly 
in the thick of apparently insurmountable difficulties but 
thanks to God’s blessings he tided over them in no time. 
.^Ml the, resources of the British bureaucracy were 
pressed to bind him down under the iron rigours of law 
but they came to naught in the long run. His escapes 
from peril seem to be a riddle to ordinary human 
intelligence. He could see things so clearly and fully as 
to foresee the "future. He was endowed with a rare 
anticipating vision which was mainly responsible for 
his miraculous escapes from imminent danger through 
life. All other Indian revolutionaries had to face at 
least once or twice the miseries of imprisonment at the 
hands of the British, but Rash Behari stood out as a 
clear exception to the general rule. He had an 
unswerving faith in God and believed in the Gita doctrine 
of l^ishkama Karma or selfless work. His idealism 
was superb and was never allowed to be tainted by 
petty considerations of self or ego. He dedicated 
himself wholly and unreservedly to the divine mission 
of the country’s liberation and he was saved from 
uttermost difficult situations which repeatedly threatened 
to overpower him as if under the guidance of the 
Providence Himself. 

It is most amusing to note that in February, 1914 
when police searches at Delhi had been vigorously set 
on foot, leading to the arrests of Amir Qiand and Abad 
Bihari as well as to the discovery of Rash Behari’s some 
belongings. Rash Behari was spending his days in a 
carefree manner at Lahore without the slightest know- 
ledge of the swift developments at Delhi. But when he 
•came to learn of Dina Nath’s arrest at Lahore from a 
cstudent of the D. A. V. College Boarding in the evening. 
Rash Behari in his clear-sighted vision anticipated the 



coming things and left the place that very night, thus 
frustrating the very object of the police swoop at his 
residence at the following day-break. 

Rash Behari arrived at Delhi from Lahore for 
safety but being informed on the way by Amir Chand’s 
servant of the arrest of his master, he at once left bag 
and baggage for Chandernagore thus eluding again the 
grasp of the police.®® 

Information gradually reached the Bengal police 
that Rash Behari had been hiding in his own house 
at Chandernagore. They laid a trap to catch their 
prey by making a surprise swoop at kis residence on 
March 8, 1914 but were befooled again by the man who 
warded off the danger by concealment. The failure of 
the police search led ithe authorities to believe that their 
prey had already left Chandernagore for Upper India. 
The Punjab police therefore issued a circular dated 
March 9, 1914 against Rash Behari Bose, announcing a 
reward of Rs. 5,000/- for the capture of Rash Behari or 
any useful information relating to him. A vivid descrip- 
tion of Rash Behari’s physical features and movements 
were provided in the circular which reads in part as 
follows : 

“Fairly tall ; stoutish; large eyes ; mousilache recent- 
ly shaved ; third finger of one hand stiff and scarred as 
result of accident; aged about 30. Dresses sometimes 
as Punjabi and sometimes as Bengali. May probably 
be wandering about in the guise of a Sannyasi. Fre- 
quents Rawalpindi, Multan, Ambala, Simla, Amritsar, 
Gurudaspur, Ferozepur, Jhelum and Lahore. Bengali 
Kalibaris and Colonies and Hindu Shiwalas, & c., 
should be carefully scrutinised, as well as all Sarais and 
Railway St;^tions”.®® Intimation was also transmitted 
to all the steamer companies of India to co-operate with 

52. Sachindra Nath Sanyal’s Bands^J^bm (Vol. II). 

53. Vide File No. 430/14 of the I. B. Records of the Government of 
West Bengal. 


Ihe Government with regard to a man of the above 
description, and his photos were widely circulated at 
all railway stations. But in spite of this vigorous hunt 
about by the police, Rash Behari reached Benares safe 
and sound in April, 1914 and settled down to work for 
his political objects even in concealment. It appeared 
surprising to the judges of the Benares Conspiracy 
Case that Rash Behari could safely stay in Benares for 
about the whole of 1914 without the police being aware 
in the least of his presence there. 

A shrewd observer of men and' matters. Rash 
Behari could assume the role of any person in his natural 
setting. He was thus an adept in assuming pseudo- 
names in pseudo-dresses.®^ In the milieu, of the Lahore 
conspiracy he was known to his colleagues in the 
Punjab in various names such as Fat Bengali, Satindar 
Chandar, Ckuchandm Nath Diitt and Satis Chandar 
and never disclosed his real name to them. Rash Behari 
could speak Hindi, Urdu, Punjabi and English fluently. 

After the Lahore Conspiracy had fallen through 
(February 19, 1915), Rash Behari spent a few days at 
Lahore, then in the grip of the civil and military 
authorities,, without allowing himself to be delected by 
his enemies. He decided to proceed towards Kabul in 
the guise of a Mahomedan and even began reading 
Kalmas with Maulvis. But suddenly in an intuitive 
flash he foresaw the coming dangers and set out for 
Benares without delay in the dress of a heavily-turbaned 
Punjabi. His house at I.ahore was searched the next 
day of his flight from that place. 

At Benares, Rash Behari developed a new tactics 
of assuming the role of a woman as a measure of pro- 
tection against his enemies. Sri Bisweswar Goswami, 

54. This qualifkation was an aicquisitioni of Rash Behari even from 
his early youth at Simla where he associated himself with many 
theatric^ organizations, and once he amazed the audience while 
playing in the roleiof Lawrence Fostor in Chandrasekhar. 


a junior colleague of Rash Behari at Benares, has in- 
formed the present writer that at least on two occa- 
sions, — once in the house of Bibhuti Bhusan Haidar and 
then in the present house of Bisweswar Goswami, — Rash 
Behari easily broke through heavy police cordon placed 
at those houses, putting on woman’s dress.®* 

Rash Behari in the role of a Bhatchaj Brahmin at 
Chandernagore was such a natural performance as to 
attract even a police spy, out in the pursuit of Rash 
Behari, to offer pronouns to him by stretching his body 
on the floor, without being able to know the real man. 

On the eve of his travel to Japan, Rash Behari, 
dressed as P. N. Tagore, went to the Police Commis- 
sioner at Calcutta to receive his identity card.®® For 
him at first a second-class ticket was purchased. But 
at the last moment Rash Behari changed his ticket for 
first-class on account of which, as he himself narrated 
in his Atmakatha, he could avoid search at numerous 
points, and even at Hongkong where any Indian intend- 
ing to leave that port was required 'to have a permit 
from the Police Superintendent, he managed to secure 
H permit for himself in the name of Preo Nath Tagore.®^ 


The failure of the Maverick and Henry S plot 
XMarch-July, 1915) to smuggle big cargo of arms into 
India to help the Indian revolutionaries had in the 
meantime convinced the German Consulates in the Far 
East of the enormous risks involved in the large ship- 
ment of arms to India. But the idea of smuggling 

55. The letter of Sri Bisweswar Goswami of D/30/65 Drfjnathpuni, 
Benares, dated 21.6.66. The present writer had an interview with 
him to the same effect at ]^nares in October. 1966. Sri' Somendia 
Nath Roy of Santinilretan has also infonned the present writer 
that Rash Bdiari employed the same tactios in Japan too during 
his und^ground life there (1915-23). 

56. Ihis bit of informaticm was supplied to Sri Somendra Nath Roy 
in Japan fay Rash Behari himself. 

57. \Riah Behanr Atmakatha in the montiily 'FrObarMt for \A,gxakayan, 

1331 B.S. ' 



small stocks of arms through overland routes — ^through 
Siam and Burma, — ^was not ruled out altogether. A 
major pre-occupation of Rash Behari in Japan was to 
keep constant contact with the German Consulate at 
Shanghai which favoured the smuggling of small stocks 
cf arms to India with the help of some German agents. 
One A. Neilson was very active in this matier. He used 
to collect arms and purchase chemicals for making explo- 
sives, and four houses occupied by Neilson in Shanghai 
were traced by the Municipal Police, Shanghai, at 108 
Chaotung Road in the International Settlement, 32 
Yangtsepoo Road, another in Siccawei Road and a 
fourth one in Au'tung Road, Chapei District and were 
found to have contained arms and explosives.®** 

In Japan Rash Behari came into contact with 
Bhagwan Singh, a seasoned revolutionary, and went to 
Shanghai to devise ways and means to smuggle arms 
to India. In Shanghai he put up at Neilson’s Yangtse- 
poo Road house®” and in liaison with Neilson engaged 
two Chinese to carry arms to Bengal and hand them 
over to Amarendra Nath Chatterjce. The Intelligence 
Branch Records of the Government of West Bengal 
show that on October 16, 1915 the Shanghai Municipal 
Police happened to arrest two Chinese suspects and 
“found in their possession 129 pistols and 12,000 rounds 
of ammunition, which the suspects declared had been 
made over to them by a local German firm to be jacked 
and sent to Calcutta”. It is further revealed by the 
same source that the said persons were to deliver the 
smuggled goods to two persons in Calcutta viz., 
Amarendra Nath Chatterjee of the “Srartiajibi Sama- 
baya’’ and Manmohon Bhattacharya of the Hindusthan 

58. Letters by J. W. Seigne, Captain, R. M. L. 1. to the Commoinder- 
in^hief, H. M. Ships aid Vessels, China, dated Shanghai, March 6 
and March 16, 1916. 

98. Home Political Proceedings of the Govemmeint of India. Nov. 
1916; No. 44 D^sit, for the statement of Abani Nath Mukherjee. 



Co-operative Bank.®® This fact is also referred to by 
the Sedition Committee Report (p. 85) which mentions 
tliat the itwo Chinese in possession of 129 automatic 
pistols and 20, 830 rounds of ammunition “concealed in 
the centre of bundles of planks” were arrested at 
Shanghai in October, 1915. Besides, Rash Behari 
arranged for the despatch of a messenger to India to 
communicate closely guarded secret s to his friends and 
colleagues. Abani Nath Mukherjee who had then been 
living in Japan was selected by Bhagwan Singh for the 
mission and was sent to Rash Behari at Shanghai. 
Abani Nath was fully instructed by Ra'’sh Behari as to 
his assigned role in India, and was also supplied with 
a lisit of names which were noted down in his diary, but 
unfortunately, in course of his Indiaward journey he 
V as arrested at Singapore in September, 1915. Besides, 
Rash Behari, introduced to the Oerman Consul at 
Shanghai as the “Chief Indian Revolutionary leader”, 
also arranged with his help the despatch of two ship- 
loads of arms to India which were confiscated before 
they reached their destination.®^ 

On his return from Shanghai an important work 
of Rash Behari was the organization of a meeting in a 
Tokyo hotel at Ueno Park (November 27, 1915) in 
collaboration with Heramba Pal Gupta, Lala Lajpat 
Rai and Dr. Syuinei Ohkawa (a bitter critic of the 
British Administration in India) and attended by many 
Japanese gentlemen. On that occasion the Japanese 
national flag was unfurled and their national anthem 
sung. The fiery speeches delivered at the meeting, 
particularly by Lajpat Rai condemning the British 
policy in India, enraged the British ambassador in 
Japan so much as to bring British pressure on the 

60. The letter of Mr. Cleveland, the Director of Criminal Intelligence, 
Delhi, to the Police Commissioner, Bengal, dated Simla, the 21st 
October, 1915. 

61. Rash B^r’s 'written statement entitled “Our Struggle". 


Japanese Government ithen bound as allies by the Anglo- 
Japanese Alliance (1902-21). Under pressure from 
Britain, an Extradition Warrant against Rash Behari 
Bose was soon issued by the Government of Japan. As 
soon as ithe news reached his. ears, he went into con- 
cealment in a baker’s workshop in Tokyo with the help 
of the old Samurai leader Mr. M. Toyama. The baker 
referred to was no other than Mr. Aizo Soma who 
later gave his daughter in marriage to Rash Behari 
mainly for political reasons. Although the Extradition 
Warrant was withdrawn after about four months 
(April, 1916), yet Rash Behari remained hemmed in 
with dangers from the British Embassy in Japan, neces- 
sitating his change of residence as many as seventeen 
times during the eight years following (1916-23). At 
every turn he stood in danger of either being kidnapped 
or killed by the British agency.®" So, he had to main- 
tain strictest secrecy about his whereabouts during 
this period. But then it was not a period of his complete 
isolation from the current of world politics. Even 
during this period of concealment his plotting activities 
continued. Mr. D. Pdtrie who was deputed in 1916 
as Intelligence Officer of the Government of India in 
the Ear East, wrote a very interesting and important 
Report on the Indian revolutionary activities in the Far 
East in 1917. Regarding Rash Behari Bose, the Petrie 
Report says : 

“Indeed, the only person of real importance who 
appears to be left is Rash Behari Bose alias P. N. 
Thakur, who, however, is living under aegis of the 
Japanese Government, and who, by reason of the 
secrecy maintained as to his existence and the restric- 
tions imposed upon his freedom of movement, may be 
almost regarded as no longer borne o'n the ‘active list’. 
It is not, of course, implied that Bose is inactive, but 

62. J. G. Cttisaiwa’s The Two Great Indians In Japan (Calcutta, 1^) 
pp. 10-lA 



the conditions imposed by his very method of existence 
are bound to detract greatly from his usefulness to- 
the party”. The Report then continues: “Towards 
the latter part of July Bose disappeared completely 
from Tokyo, where his place of refuge had become 
known to the British authorities. Almost at the close 
of December 1917 Mr. Davidson, His Majesty’s Vice- 
Consul at Yokohama was able, after an exhaustive 
and most skilfully conducted inquiry, to rediscover 
him at Okitsu, a village in the vicinity of Katsura, a 
town on the h^ast coast. Bose, after his discovery, 
almost inunediately left for Tokyo, where he is believed 
to be concealed in the compound of the house of the 
Lord High Chamberlain to the Empieror, although it 
is possible that it is merely some retainer of this high 
official who is harbouring Bose without his master’s 
knowledge”. Rash Behari adopted the pseudo name 
of Hayashi Ichiro at that time. 

About Rash Behari Bose’s underground activities 
in Japan the Petrie Report goes on to state further: 

“Initercepted letters to Bose show conclusively 
that he is Still in close touch with the heads of the 
conspiracy in America such as Narendra Bhattacharji 
and Ram Chand and that he is still devoting himself 
to revolutionary work, so far as the disabilities imposed 
by his position will permit”. It is further revealed 
that Rash Behari was also in touch with Mr. Tarak 
Nath Das while the latter was in Japan for four 
months in 1917. Tarak Nath Das looked up to Rash 
Behari, in the words of Mr. Petrie, “as some one 
greater than himself”. Both are said “to have evolved 
a scheme for the sinking of ships by means of explosives 
to be placed on board”. But the scheme did not proceed 
far beyond ‘he discussion stage.®® The seizure by the 
police of a holograph writing from Rash Behari Bose 

63. The Repoit of Mr. D. Petrie, dated Shanghai, January 10^ 1918. 


is course of the searches of Tarak Nath Das’s room 
at 44, Portola Street, Newyork, in conntction with the 
famous San Francisco Trial of 1917-18, offers another 
proof of the closeness of intimacy between these 
two Indian revolutionaries. Dr. Chandra Kanta 
Chakravarty, a leader of the Indo-German conspiracy, 
has informed the present writer that he too received 
letters from Rash Behari Bose during his stay in 
America in this period. 

It needs he noted that the period of factual conceal- 
ment for Rash Behari did not terminate until the year 
1923 when he came to acquire Japanese citizenship. 
Being happy over this priceless acquisition. Rash 
Behari wrote the following from Japan to Srish 
Chandra Chose: “You will perhaps be glad to know 
that I have got myself naturalised here. This will 
enable me to travel in any part of the world except the 
British possessions”. From that time he appeared on 
the public scene in the politics of Japan and began to 
work and organize with his new base at Tokyo the 
forces for the liberation of his mother-country from 
British thraldom.®* 

In Japan Rash Behari soon qualified himself as 
a distinguished Japanese citizen. By associating him- 
self with many universities and academies, by writing 
books and delivering speeches in Japanese, by intro- 
ducing features of Indian life and culture, he 
strengthened and fostered the ancient bond that had 
existed between India and Japan. He identified him- 
self with the life of the Japanese so completely as to 
draw admiration even from men of great cultural 
standing. Mr. Kawabata-ko, a famous collector of 
Japanese painting, once advised Sri Binode Behari 

64. The pursuit of Rash Behari by the British agents did not end even 
after 1923. At least two more attempts were made by them to 
kidnap him (1926 and 1^2-23) which were frustrated through 
the efforts of Mr. Toyama and his friends. 




Mukherjee, the renowned artist of Santiniketan who 
had been to Japan in 1937, to meet Mr. Bose if he 
wanted to learn Japanese etiquette. Very few Japanese 
stood on a par with him in this respect, said the Japanese 
gentleman.®® Thus Rash Behari was outwardly a full- 
fledgted Jajpanese, but at heart he was a true son of 
Mdther India whose political liberation was his supreme 
objective. At Tokyo he erected a tablet in the pine 
bush of his house wherein were inscribed the names of 
those of his colleagues in India who had laid their 
lives in the cause of the country. Rash Behari used to 
sit and meditate near this tablet in his .leisurely hours. 
Sri Somendra Nath Roy of Basic Teachers’ Training, 
Santiniketan, who spent three years in Japan (1934- 
1937) to learn collotype photography and lived in 
^sia Lodge, a boarding house founded by Rash Behari 
in or about 1934 for Asian students, still possesses a 
number of photos of Rash Behari sitting beside the 
above-mentioned tablet. 

THIC I. I. n. AND THE I. N. A. 

A born fighter and grim revolutionaiy. Rash 
Behari did not aspire after peace or rest even in his 
life of exile in a foreign land. The liberation of the 
country from alien thraldom was the first passion with 
him to which everything else, even life itself, was 
subordinate. Driven by this consuming passion he set 
himself before long to the organization of the kindred 
si^rits in South-East Asia and founded the Indian 
Independence League (1924) having Tokyo as its 
headquarters with branches spread out in neighbouring 
lands in order to promote the cause of Indian inde- 
pendence. For over long seventeen years he ceaselessly 

65. Binode Behaii Mukherjee, before he set out for Japian, was advised 
by Rabindrai Nath Tagore to help from Rash Bdiaii Bose 
in his difficulties and to show respects to him in die same way as 
he did to die poet. 




toiled through I. I. L,. explaining the political condition 
of India before East Asians and emphasising the 
supreme importance of Indian independence as a factor 
of Greater Asian freedom and unity. His slogan of 
“Asia for Asians” roused the Easit Asians from 
slumber and inspired them to rise to a man for 
expelling Western imperialism from Asia. It is not 
a little due to Rash Behari Bose that they began to 
look upon the political emancipation of India as a 
stepping-stone to Greater Asian liberation from 
bondage, and that they became sympathisers with the 
Indian cause ift large numbers. He also promoted 
Indo-Japanese co-operation, good-will and under- 
standing on the political level, just as Rabindra Nath 
Tagore did it on the cultural front after the World 
War I.«“ 

The spectacular military rise of Japan in the 
’thirties and her entry into the Axis combination 
(1937) was a momentous development in world 
politics. The British imperialism all over the globe 
stood before a most menacing crisis from the Axis 
combination. In these international complications 
Rash Behari saw the future salvation of his mother- 
land. In his pAolitical psychology the enemies of Britain 
we^e the friends of India, no matter what their 
ideology or internal administration was. Never a 
doctrinaire or a fashionable philanthropist. Rash 
Behari was a hard-headed realist and could grasp the 
fundamentals of politics more clearly and precisely 
than many of his Indian compatriots. The promotion 
cf the interests of his motherland was his principal 
concern and he did never allow foamy philosophisings 
or vague isms to get the upperhand in him. This 
explains the difference in his reaction to Japan’s 

66. Rabindranath by hia visit to Japan in 1916. 1924 and 1929 as •well 
as by other aneana tried to promote Indo-Japanese ciiltuxal oo- 
operation on a durable basis. 



undeclared war agwnst China since July 7, 1937. 
Moved by humahitarian impulses many Indian leaders 
then began to vehemently condemn Japan for her mili- 
tary action against China, but Rash Behari approached 
the whole thing like a real-politiker and was very much 
distressed by the unpolitical anti-Japanese propaganda 
by Indians through press and platform, for he con- 
sidered such propaganda highly inimical to the national 
interests of India. So he sent the following cable to 
Rabindra Nath Tagore: “Indian merchants, students, 
and residents here request you to prevent Congress 
and Pandit Nehru’s anti-Japanese activities for the 
sake of Indian interests and Indo-Japanese friendship”. 
To this Rabindra Nalth sent a very decent reply dated 
October 10, 1937, from which an extract is quoted 

“Your cable has caused me many restless hours, 
for it hurt me very much to have to ignore your appeal. 
I wish you had asked for my co-operation in a cause 
against which my spirit did not protest. I know in 
making this appeal you counted on my great regard for 
the Japanese, for, I, along with the rest of Asia, did 
once admire and look up to Japan and did once fondljr 
hope that in Japan Asia had at last discovered its 
challenge to the West, that Japan’s new strength would 
be consecrated in safeguarding the culture of the East 
against alien interests. But Japan has noit taken long 
to betray that rising hope and repudiate all that seemed 
significant in her wonderful, and, to us S3rmbolic 
awakening, and has now become itself a worse menace 
to the defenceless peoples of the East”.®^ 

Rash Behari could not see eye to eye with Rabindra 
Nath, and himself began to work to counteract the evils 
of this anti-Japanese propaganda by Indians by organiz- 
ing meetings in Japan and advocating Indo-Japanese 

67. The Amrita B<jt.sar FfMnha, October 11, 1937. 


collaboration under ithe auspices of 1. 1. L. He organiz- 
ed a convention of Asian youths at Sankaido in Tokyo 
(October 28, 1937) and raised the slogans “Asia for 
Asians”, “Go Home White” etc. 

In November, 1938 Rash Behari Bose issued a 
manifesto in which he called for a revision of India’s 
foreign policy. He asked the Indian leaders to be 
realistic in their approach to foreig^n affairs vis-a-vis 
India. -^‘For the last few years, especially after the out- 
break of the Sino-Japanese conflict”, the manifesto said, 
“it has almost become a fashion for some of the 
Congress leaders to attack and condemn and abuse the 
Fascist countries indiscriminately. They do not know 
what harm they do to the cause of Indian freedom by 
their unwise action. The other day Pandit Nehru 
during the course of his tour in Europe did irretrievable 
damage to the cause of India by his wild utterances 
against the totalitarian states. His was a most unwise 
action and it only served to create more enemies for 
India”. With regard to the objective of India’s foreign 
policy, the manifesto stated: “India’s foreign policy 
•ought to be to make as many friends in the world as 
possible and to avoid creating enemies. Particularly 
they should follow the principle, ‘England’s enemies are 
our friends’. They fail to take cognisance of the fact 
that by creating enemies of the first class Pow:ers in the 
world, they simply help the British and the prolongation 
of the British rule in India”.®® 

Japan’s declaration of war against the Anglo- 
Saxon races and her bombing of Pearl Harbour on 
December 7, 1941 opened a new chapter in the history 
of Asian struggle for emancipation from Western colo- 
nialism. It set in motion forces which Rash Behari 
now strenuously sought to utilise to strengthen the 
cause of Indian Indei)endence. To quote his own 

68. B. K. Saikar’s The PeUtk^ Philosopfaes Smce 1905, Vd. 11, 
Riart 11, Lahore 194% pp. 356-396. 



words: “Happenings on the international chess-board 
during the past more ithan ten years have been suggest- 
ing that such a world-wide conflict was inevitable. It 
was also apparent that the question of Indian freedom 
could be successfully solved only when Japan rose in 
arms against British Imperialism”. With reference to 
Japan’s declaration of war in the Far East he continues : 
“Realising this very important fact and our duty 
towards our Motherland at this most important 
juncture, we in Tokyo promptly met on the 8th of 
December 1941 at the Rainbow Grill and decided upon 
a programme of action. My compatriots formed a 
committee and asked me to lead the movement and I 
gladly agreed to abide by their decision. We at first 
undertook to consolidate Indian opinion in East Asia 
in favour of a definite fight from without. Meetings 
W'ere held in different centres of Japan and resolutions 
were passed emphasising the solidarity of our com- 
patriots, the great need of declaring Independence of 
India by destroying British Imperialism, and expressing 
confidence in our work. 

“On the 26th December 1941, for the first time in 
the history of Indians in Japan, a Conference of nearly 
fifty representatives of the Indian residents in Kobe, 
Osaka, Yokohama and Tokyo — all the four cities where 
Indians reside — was held at the Railway Hotel in Tokyo 
to consider the problems. A Resolution was passed 
calling upon the Indians to realise the gravity of the 
situation and the danger ahead of India. . . . Our 
representatives were sent to Shanghai and on 26th of 
January this year a huge gathering of Indian residents 
of Shanghai was held in Young Men’s Association Hall 
when similar resolutions as passed in Tokyo were 
Very enthusia,-stically passed and our movement was 
given unanimous support. 

“In the meantime we established contact with the 
military and civil high commands in Japan and began 



to impress upon Ithem the necessity of helping India 
in her struggle for freedom for ithe very achievement 
of the great object for which Japan has declared war 
against Britain and America. We made it clear to 
them that so long as British Imperialism in India 
continues Japan cannot expect a final victory in this 
war. At last we succeeded in prevailing upon them, and 
General Tojo, the Prime Minister of Japan, openly 
declared before the Imperial Diet that his Government 
was prepared to help the Indians in our efforts to free 
cur country from the long bondage”.”® Among the 
principal collaborators of Rash Behari during this 
period were Swami Satyananda Puri (or Prafulla Sen) 
of the Anusilan Samiti and Sirdar Pritam Singh, a 
follower of Amar Singh, both being engaged in political 
work for Indian Independence with Bangkok (Siam) 
as their headquarters. 

Encouraged by the offer of active help from the 
Japanese Government to Indian nationalists, Rash 
Behari organized two successive conferences at Tokyo 
and Bangkok (March and June, 1942) of representative 
Indians in South-East Asia and formulated a pro- 
gramme of action. It was at the historic Bangkok 
Conference that the Indian Independence Teague was 
reorganized with its base at Bangkok (later transferred 
to Singapore) to conduct the Indian Independence 
Movement from outside India and a Council of Action 
was formed with Rash Behari as its President. As 
an integral part of the I. I. L. and under the complete 
control of the Council of Action, the Indian National 
Army which had its humble beginning since December, 
1941 was reformed and was to be accorded from the 
beginning, in terms of the Constitution at the Bangkok 
Conference, “the powers and status of a free National 
Army of an Independent India, on a footing of 

69. The Presidential Address br Rai^ Behari Bose at the Bangliic^ 


equality with the armies of Japan and other friendly 
jKwers”.^® Thus the Indian National Army was 
reorganized at the Bangkok Conference and Rash 
Behari played a ^at role in its initial stages. “As I 
was perfectly aware of the position of Indians during 
and after the war”, writes Rash Behari, “I had a clear 
understanding with the Japanese Government on this 
matter and it was through this process that Major 
Fujiwara asked for the co-operation of Indian patriots 
and our late beloved Sirdar Pritam Singh took a major 
part in the pageant of the Malaya campaign. Captain 
Mohon Singh joined hands with Sirdar Pritam Singh 
on 12th December, 1941, with a party of a few persons. 
Sirdar Pritam Singh being a civilian and Major 
Fujiwara being a Japanese Officer, did not know very 
much about the Indian soldiers and so the administra- 
tion and command of Indian military personnel was 
given over to Captain Mohon Singh”.'^^ 

After the Bangkok Conference Rash Behari threw 
himself heart and soul into the organization of the 
I.I.L. and I.N.A. on a firm foundation. He viewed 
the Indian Independence movement not as an isolated 
event detached from the whirlpool of world politics 
but as its integral part and parcel. When the Second 
World War broke out, particularly after its extension 
in the Far East in December, 1941, Rash Behari saw 
in the new international complications the chance of 
India’s Freedom movement. He was never a believer 
in the efficacy of non-violence as a weapon in Freedom’s 
battle nor did he ever believe that India’s Freedom 
would come through our own strivings alone. He was 
shrewd enough to perceive that the future of India 
very largely depended on her will and power to utilise 
the new emerging world forces in her favour. Japan 

70. Ibid. 

71. Radi Bduii’s staitement ottitled "Our Stnigsle’’ 


l^ihen in alliance with Germany and Italy was the 
<leadliest enemy of the Anglo-American empires in 
the East and was determined to annihilate them by all 
means in the interests of Asia for Asians. In the 
terrible organizational strength of Japan Rash Behari 
found the most potent antidote to British imperialism 
and hence entered into an entente with the Japanese 
Government which had given recognition to the Council 
of Adtion of which Rash Behari was the President. 
But the course of affairs in the Council was not a 
.smooth sailing for Rash Behari. After a short time a 
crisis threatened the very existence of the Council 
mainly because of the personal aggrandisement of 
General Mohon Singh, G.O.C., Indian National Army. 
Mohon Singh had risen to that position of importance 
as an accredited agent of the Council whose over- 
mastering predominance over the I. N. A. was an 
acknowledged fact. It is regrettable that Mbhon Singh , 
in whom Rash Behari had reposed unstinted confidence 
was fired by personal ambition and sought to use the 
1. N. A. a? an instrument of his personal aggrandise- 
ment. Even his allegiance to the Council of Action, 
the directive body of the I. N. A., became questionable. 
Within the Indian National Army of which he was 
the G. O. C. his policy became more and more despotic 
and high-handed and he gradually began to abrogate 
to himself the rights and powers which constitutionally 
belonged to the Council. By a secret understanding 
with the Japanese military officers (without having any 
prior consultation with the Council), he arranged for 
the transfer of some I. N. A. troops to Burma for 
military training and even sent an advance party to 
Rangoon for the purpose. As soon as these ambitious 
-designs of Mohon Singh came to light (November, 
1942) Rash Behari decided that the Council of Action 
■“should immediately take control of the policy regard- 
ing the Army and all questions of major importance 



should be decided by the Council and not by the G.O.C”. 
He even wrote to Col. Iwakura to Ithat effect to avoid 
misunderstanding over this matter. The crisis deepened 
further at this stage with the sudden resignation by all 
the members of the five-man Council except its 
President on the plea that a clear assurance of co- 
operation in Indian interests had not yeit been obtained 
by Rash Behari from the Japanese Government. Thus 
cn December 9, 1942 all powers of the Council of Action 
devolved on Rash Behari pending fresh election by the 
Committee of Representatives of ithe I.I.L,. Four 
days later (December 13, 1942) Mohonf'Singh intimated 
the President in course of a letter that the I. N. A. 
were pledged to him and to him alone by name and 
that the Army under the existing circumstances could 
not serve their motherland through the 1. I. L. in East 
Asia and had accordingly thought it fit to sever their 
connection with it. He even waited for approval of 
his action by the Japanese military officers who how- 
ever stuck to the Bangkok resolution by recognizing the 
Council of Action, and not Mohon Singh, as the 
Supreme Body of which Rash Behari was then the 
only surviving member. Under these circumstances 
Mohon Singh was dismissed by the Council from his 
office as G. O. C. of the I. N. A. This firm decision taken 
by Rash Behari was a momentous step in the history 
of India’s liberation movement in East Asia. He not 
only saved it from imminent peril but took steps rapidly 
to remove the misunderstanding between him and many 
of his colleagues that was then growing. In a declara- 
tion addressed to 'the Indian brothers of East Asia 
(December, 1942) he explained his conduct before 
them in these memorable words : 

“I have from 9th December onward taken control 
of the movement; and I once again pledge to serve the 
cause of Indian Independence without fear and without 
favour, loyally and conscientiously and to the utmost 



of my ability. ... It would have broken my heart, i£ 
at this moment, I had let this movement die, because 
some of my colleagues took it into their heads, that 
unless on every point they had their way, they could 
not go on. On the Other hand, I believe that if there 
are difficulties in the movement, they can and shall be 
rectified. If there are doubts and fears, they can and 
will be cleaied. If there be even actual obstruction in 
our path, it is my firm conviction that it should be 
removed and the way made clear for achieving our 
object, the much longed-for and long-awaited Indepen- 
dence of Hindusthan. The co-operation or otherwise 
of any nation, however valuable it may be, is not a 
rock on which the ship of Indian Independence should 
founder. We shall fight our battles with such help, 
if possible, but without it if necessary. 

“ .... I must assure every branch of the League and 
also the Indian National Army that, my taking over 
on myself the rights, duties and responsibilities of the 
Council of Action, need not in any manner mean 
changes in the constitution, organisation or develop- 
ment of the civ^il and military institutions that we have 
endeavoured to create, nurse and nurture during the 
last few months. I guarantee to them that I shall not 
be a party to any act that will jeopardise their interests 
or the interests of our Motherland. Their interests 
have always formed by sole objective in the work that 
I have undertaken on myself. 

“I know I have the trust and confidence of my 
brothers and sisters in the arduous work ahead. If my 
opponents call me a puppet, let them do so. But leit me 
assure them that they are sinning against a man whose 
only end and aim in life is to see his country free, abso- 
lutely free, and independent, who is as proud of his 
birthright as any Indian alive, and who has staked his 
all and who will stake the last drop of his blood in 
upholding the honour and integrity of Hindusthan. I 



seek nothing from life except ithe success of our 

'Hius the insurmountable difficulties Ithat con- 
fronted Rash Behari were soon tided over by him with 
the tact and skill of a consummate politician. By April, 
1943 he not only set matters right but also could boast 
•of a military training centre at Kuala Lumpur where 
about one thousand civilians were 'then undergoing 
training in the modern arts^ of warfare. Buit the 
severe strain which he had to bear all these weeks and 
months began to tell badly upon his health, and he 
■eagerly looked forward to the day when Subhas. 
Chandra Bose would appear in the East to assume the 
reins of affairs. It was through his instrumentality 
that an official invitation was sent to Subhas in Germany 
requesting his participation at the Bangkok Conference, 
and what is more, a resolution was also passed there 
urging upon the Japanese Government to take every 
step to make the resolution a success. The resolution 
read as follows : 

“This Conference requests Sjt. Subhas Chandra 
Bose to be kind enough to come to East Asia, and appeals 
to the Imperial Government of Japan to use its good 
offices to obtain the necessary permission and con-" 
veniences from the Government of Germany to enable 
Sjt. Subhas Chandra Bose to reach East Asia safe”. 
Needless to say, it was through a secret arrangement 
between Germany and Japan (then both of ithem bound 
in alliance) that Subhas Chandra Bose had a safe 
passage to Tokyo in June, 1943. 


Although a Congressite in party affiliation, Subhas 
Chandra Bc-se (later known as Netaji) was a revolution- 
ary in his fundamental political faith. More often than 

72. The Two Great Indians In Japon^ pp. 59-65. 


not he went off at a tangent to the path followed by the 
Congress and refused to ally himself with the com- 
promise 7 seeking or moderate policy of the Congress. 
In 1938, he was elected President of the Indian 
National Congress and his influence grew by leaps and 
bounds. He strove hard to infuse a new spirit into the 
national movement and to give it a radical turn. 
In his approach to foreign politics he was not indiscri- 
minate in his denunciation of the so-called Fascist 
countries then organized in the Drei-eck as a powerful 
anti-British combination. It was mainly through his 
influence that at the Haripura session in February, 
1938 a resolution was passed by the Congress dissociat- 
mg itself from any imperialist war undertaken by 
Britain against Germany, Japan or Italy. Interrogated 
by press reporters at Lucknow in November, 1938 
about the Congress policy in the event of a war, Subhas 
Bose as President of the Congress observed as follows : 
“Before we can decide our policy with regard to China 
in the event of the British Government and the U.S.A. 
joining hands to crush Japan, we shall have to consider 
whether by helping Grea;t Britain, we shall save China 
for the Chinese people or for British imperialism”.''® 
At a time when many Congressites of importance, 
including Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru were carrying on a 
bitter anti-Japanese propaganda against the totalitarian 
states as such, Subhas Bose stood for a more sober 
and realistic line of action or policy for the country. 
The veterans of the Congress looked askance at him 
and began to work secretly to oust him from power in 
the next Presidential election. Even Gandhiji threw 
in the weight of his voice against him. He sent Subhas 
Bose a wire asking him not to contest in 'the next elec- 
tion. To this Subhas Bose politely replied: “Bapuji 
bless me for the coming election”.'* 

73. B. K. Sarimr’s Thei Politiad Philosophies S2nas 1905, Vol. II, 
Part II, pp. 368-59. 



The victory of Subhas Chandra Bose in the election 
caused a painful shock to his political opponents who 
were now bent upon ousting him from power. The 
Right-wingers of the Congress who then dominated 
the Working Committee began to pursue an obstruc- 
tionist policy. At a meeting of the A.I.C.C. a deadlock 
arose over the composition of the Working Committee 
and Subhas had to resign from Congress Presidentship 
“in a spirit of extreme helplessness” (April 29, 1939). 
Four days later (May 3, 1939) he founded a new party 
within the Congress — the Forward Bloc — to give shape 
to his own political programme. But <re he could work 
cut his programme through the new party, he was 
arrested and put into prison in connection with the 
Holwell Mbnument movement (July 2, 1940). He pain- 
fully realized that the whole country was nothing but 
a big prison which would afford him neither liberty 
ncr opportunity for independent political work. A feel- 
ing of frustration seemed to overwhelm Subhas at this 
stage, and he saw no way ouit for India’s deliverance 
from slavery so long as he remained in this country. 
His conversation with V.D. Savarkar at Bombay and 
his talk with Sri Hem Ghose in the Presidency Jail in 
1940 toned up his drooping spirit and gave a definite 
direction to his wandering mind. 

Rash Behari had all these years been watching with 
keen interest the political developments on the Indian 
scene. In the years preceding the World War II he 
kept up correspondence with V. D. Savarkar whom he 
described as one of his elderly comrades-in-arms, and 
under whose inspiration he founded the Japan Branch 
of the Hindu Mahasabha with himself as its President. 
Rash Behari in course of his correspondence with 
Savarkar kept the latter informed from time to time of 
the political developments in Japan and her prepara- 

74. Desk, Sahitya issue, 1372 for Sudhakanta Roy Choudhur/s article 
entitled Cbandra and Rabindra Nath”. 



lions for future war against Anglo-American imperia- 
lism. “It may be mentioned here”, wrote Sri Bal 
Savarkar, Private Secretary to V. D. Savarkar, in 1954 
“that it was at a private and personal meeting between 
Netaji Subhas Babu and Savarkarji at Savarkar Sadan, 
Bombay, that a definite suggestion was made to Subhas 
Babu by Savarkarji that he should try to leave India 
and undertake the risk of going over to Germany to 
organise the Indian forces there fallen in German hands 
as captives and then with the German help should pro- 
ceed to Japan to join hands with Sri Rash Behari Bose. 
To impress this, point Savarkarji showed to Subhas 
Babu a letter from Sri Bose to Savarkarji written just 
on ithe eve of Japanese declaration of war”.'^® The 
letter of Rash Behari referred to here was sent to Veer 
Savarkar about April, 1940 through a Buddhist monk, 
emphasising the urgency of preparation on behalf of 
Indian revolutionaries, as Japan’s entry into the World 
War II seemed already in sight. 

. The historic meeting beitween Veer Savarkar and 
Subhas Chandra Bose took place, as stated by Savarkar 
himself, on June 22, 1940, when Subhas Chandra came 
tc seek his advice on the question of Hindu-Muslim 
unity after his unsuccessful interview with Barrister 
M. A. Jinnah. It was on that occasion that Savarkar 
advised Subhas Chandra to leave the country and go 
to Europe to organize the Indian forces fallen at the 
hands of Germany and Italy, and as soon as Japan 
declared war, to attack British India from the Bay of 
Bengal or through Burma and declare the independence 
of Hindusilhan.'^® Thus it is clear ‘ 'that it was 
Savarkarji who impressed upon Subhas the urgent need 

75. Letter of Sri Bal Savarkar to Sri Khitis Chandra Das, Joint 
Secretary of Rc^sh Behari Basu Smamk Semity, dated June 2, 
1964. Savarkarji himself narrated this story in many public meet- 
ings as well as in his writings both in English and Marathi. 

76. See the book in Marathi entitled Veer Savarkaramhi Abhim'a 
Bharat Sangata Samayinchi Uthriskta Bhashane or Veer Savarkar's 
Best Speeches About Abhinav Bharat, pp. 72-76. 



for going out of the country and joining hands with 
Rash Behari Bose for organizing an armed attack 
against British India at ithe suitable opportunity. It is 
p( rtinent to observe that Savarkar was perhaps the only 
Indian leader who on the eve of the Second World War 
persisten'dy pleaded in his speeches and writings the 
supreme importance of learning the art of modern war- 
fare by Indian youths by joining the Armed Forces 
either in India or outside. Under his direct inspira- 
tion many a young man of India left the country at 
that time with this end in view.’^^ 

Apart from the fruitful suggestic-n communicated 
by Rash Behari to V. D. Savarkar, Rash Behari also 
sent a similar call to Subhas in his letters to his other 
friends and colleagues in India. Sri Jatindra Lochan 
Mitra, a member of the revolutionary party and a 
colleague of Hari Kumar Chakravarty etc., has stated 
'that in 1937-38 J. C. Das, Managing Director to the 
Ballygunge Central Bank, returned from Japan to India 
with a letter from Rash Behari Bose in which he had 
urged upon the Indian revolutionaries to send an 
important leader to Japan, preferably Subhas Chandra 
Bose. The letter, written in Bengali, also contained 
the following words: “Now or never, nor for ever”. 
Jatindra Lochan Mitra who was at that time the Consul- 
ting Engineer to the Ballygunge Bank and Ballygunge 
Real Property and Building Society, received this letter 
from J. C. Das and communicated its contents to Hari 
Kumar Chakravarty. Another letter received by Srish 
Chandra Ghose of Chandernagore also contained a 

77. Sd^varhar And His Times by Dhananjay Kerr (1950) pp. 253-60.^ 

It is interestinif to notice here ^wlhat Subhas Chandrai Bose 
declared later with regard to Savarkar’s policy of Hindu militarisa- 
tion. On July 25, 1944 Subhas Chandra declared: ''When due to 
miscuided political whims and lack of vision ^.Imost all the leaders 
of Cojjgrcsa party have been dec^ng all the soldiers in Indian 
Army as mercenaries, it is heartening to know that Veer Savarkar 
is fearlessly exhorting the youths of India to enlist in the Armed 
Forces. These enlisted youths themselves provide us with trained 
men and soldiers for our Indian National Army’'. 



similar suggestion with reference to Subhas Chandra 

The cumulative effect of all these factors together 
with Sri Hem Ghose’s advice to Subhas in the Presi- 
dency Jail (July 2, 1940)’® ultimately led Subhas Bose 
to take a firm decision to leave the country and to work 
from outside for the cause of Indian Independence. 
The decision once taken, the responsibility of translat- 
ing it into practice was entirely his own, and thanks to 
his shrewdness, he managed to leave the country 
(January, 1941) unnoticed, and finally arrived at Tokyo 
(June, 1943) via Germany to join hands with Rash 
Behari Bose. 

The advent of Subhas Chandra Bose in Japan in 
1943 was a veritable god-send. A man of commanding 
personality, full of indomitable will and energy, with 
courageous adherence to conviction and consummate 
political ability, he was regarded by Rash Behari as the 
fittest person to lead the movement of Indian Independ- 
ence in East Asia. So, Rash Behari joyfully made 
ever to him the supreme honour of the Presidentship 
of the Indian Independence League. In a mammoth 
gathering at Singapore he declared (July 4, 1943) : 

“Friends and Comrades in Arms! In your pre- 
sence today I resigpi my office and appoint Deshsevak 

78. Sri Amar Nath Roy, the Proprietor of the Globe Nursery, Calcutta, 
informs the present writer that both Sri^ Ghose and Sri Roy had 
mvilege of reading this letto* in a room on the second floor of 
Sri Ro^s reridence at 25 Ramdhan Mitra Lane, Calcutta. Sri Roy 
states that during 1911-15 be (alias Smith) worked as a peon 
to Srish Chandra Ghose and Chandemagore revolutionaries, and 
that a btaticneij shop in the New Market run by Jatindra Mohan 
Rakshit and himself was the ‘'poet-boa’’ for Kash Behari Bose. 
A reference to Rash Bdiari’s letter to J. M. Rak^t, New Market, 
was made by Mr Denham in his Report on Raja Bazar Case. 

79. Hem Ghose, the veteran leader of the “Mukti-Sangha” renamed 
as “Bengal Volunteers’’ after 1920, had a long talk with Subhas 
Chandra Bose in the Preadency Jail at dead of night on the 
2nd July, 19^, toe date of Subhas Chandra’s arrest in connection 
with the Holwell Monument Movement. Subhas Bose sought 
advice from h<s senior odle^e about his future policy and got 
the reply: “Either vou will have to rot in jail or leave the 




Subhas Chandra Bose as President of the Indian 
Independence League,.. India’s best is represented in 

“You know I have dedicated my life, in my own 
humble way, to the cause of our sacred Motherland. 
That is my life’s mission. And as long as there is 
breath in my body, I shall be the soldier that I have 
always been — ^the soldier in the battle for Mother India’s 
freedom. And. of course, I shall not spare myself in 
giving him all that I can give him — ^whole-hearted co- 
operation, assistance and advice in the battle that is now 
ahead of us”. 

Thus ithe message of Sri Aurobindo “Work that 
she may prosper. Suffer that she may rejoice” was 
incarnated in the life of Rash Behari. He set a new 
example of spiritualized self-abandon'to the cause of 
patriotism in keeping with the fiery idealism of the 
Young Bengal of 1905. Rash Behari’s relinquishment 
of power did not mean that he had retired from politics. 
Far from it His new role was now in the capacity of 
the Supreme Advisor to the Provisional Government 
of Azad Hind the best of which was represented in 
him. Very truthfully has he been described by Subhas 
•'Chandra Bose as “the Father of the Indian Indepen- 
l-dence Movement in East Asia since the outbreak of the 
■Greater East Asia War”. 

Jyolindra Nath Mukherjec 

{ Dm'nibcr S, 1H80— Si'ptoinbcr lb, t'Jli ) 

Jyotindra Nalh with his beloved horse Sundarj 

Chapter Three 



EAREY EIFE and education 

Described in official records as ‘one of the mosit, 
dangerous anarchists’, Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee^ , 
fills a very large place in ithe history of India’s revolu- 
tionary movement. Born in the house of his maternal . 
uncle at Kaya in Nadia (December 8, 1880), he spent 
his boyhood in the village home of his maternal unde, 
Basanta Kumar Chatter jee. His uncle’s house became 
the scepe of a large social congregation during the 
Pujas when many a respectable person of Kushtea and- 
the neighbourhood thronged at his place.® This natural- 
ly brought Jyotindra Nath into lively contacts with a 
large number of persons during his boyhood and stood 
him in good stead in his future life. Among his as-, 
sociates of those days many turned out later to be his 
devoted followers in his political mission. Having lost 

1. It is regrettable to note that the nazne of the hero of Baksore 
fame who died fighting in 1915 continues to be mispelt even to 
this day. In most of the articles and biographical skrtches about 
him the reader finds that his name has spelt as Jatindra 
Nath Mukherjee. This is absolutely incorrect. iHis real name; 
was Jyotindranath Mukherjee. The memorial djited September 
2, 1911 submitted by him to Hardinge, Viceroy and Governor- 
General of India, contaiined his autograph signature revealing the 
above spelling. Vide Home (Pdl.) I>eptt. Ptoceedings of the 
Government of India, September 1911, Nos. 124-125, Part B. 

2. Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee’s letter, dated' 30-3-1911 to the Secre- 

te to the Government of Bengal, Finandal Draartment. The 
fact stated above is corroboraited by Sri Benoy Chandra Roy of 
Kushtea, at present aged who was a frequent visitor to 
Jyotindia Nath’s house at Kaya in his ^hood and early youth. 
On two such occasicnis Jyotindra Nath iimpiressed his audience in 
the role of ''Pratapadltya” and *'Ranai in theatrical 




his father in his childhood he was brought up under 
the care of his mother who infused in him both patrio- 
dsm and fearlessness. Deeply interested in sports and 
physical exercises from his boyhood,® he built up in his 
youth a great reputation as an all-round sportsman, 
an excellent swimmer, a skilled rider, an expert athlete, 
a devoted social worker and a kind-hearted nurse to 
the sick and the wounded.^ He combined in his character 
an unusual degree of toughness with fineness. , 

Having passed the Entrance Examination from 
the Krishnagore A. V. School in 1898,® Jyotindra Nath 
came to Calcutta for receiving his higfier education in 
the Central College of which Khudiram Bose, the 
distinguished educationist, was the founder-Principal. 
An embodiment of dare-devil energ^sm, and animated 
by the ideal of “do or die for the country”, Jyotindra 
Nath could not attach much importance to a conven- 
tional academic career and found in Calcutta a bigger 
sphere for his varied activities. 

In 1903, a memorable incident took place in 
Jyotindra Nath’s life, and this was his contact for the 
first time with Aurobindo Ghose and Jatindra Nath 
Banerjee (later Swami Niralamba) at the residence of 
Jogendra Nath Vidyabhusan at Shyampukur Street, 
Calcutta.® It was from Aurobindo Ghose and Jatin 

3. Re^lder’s attention is draim to Sri Pritlntindra Nath Mukherjee’a 
serial articles on J;yotindra Nath Mukherjee published in the 
'weekly Basmriati during 1965-66. The articles are ‘valuable more 
as a nece of literature than as a piece of sdentific historical 
reseami. It is surprising that the 'writer has throughout mispelt 
the very name of Jyotindra Nath, his grandfather, as Jatindra 

4. Jyotindra Nath’s love for horses and his capacity to tadde them was 
almost proverb^. Later in Ufe he often said to his pditical 
asscxnates: “Next to young men of India I love horses most’’. 

5. The Calcutta Univerrity Calendar for 1899, p. 287. 

6. BipkM Jatindra Nath by Lalit Kumar Chatteijee (Cal. 1947). 
Lalit Chatterjee, Jyotindra Nath’s you^est maternal uncl& has 
stated that both. Jatindra Nath Banerjee and Aurobindo Ghose 
lived for some time in 1903 at the house of Jwen Vidyabhusan. 
According to Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee, Jyotindra Nath came 
into contact with Jatjn Banerjee and Aurobindo at the house of 
Jogen Vidyabhusan in 1903. 

jrariNDRA nath MUKHiaijEE • ies 

Banerjee that he received his baptism in the cult of 
^purification by blood and fire’ for Freedom’s battle. 
He believed in the Gita ideal of Nishkama Karma or 
selfless work. His outward actions had a close cor- 
respondence to his inner spiritual life into which he was 
initiated by Bholananda Giri Mkharaj (108) at 
Calcutta. That apart, Bholananda Giri Maharaj also 
inspired him to dedicate his life to the service of the 
motherland. Jyotindra Nath was also fortunate enough 
to have sat at the feet of Swami Vivekananda and 
Sree Sree M'a Sarada Devi whose influence on his 
moral personality was very great. He had contacts 
with Sister Nivedita, the famous firebrand of nationa- 
lism, and joined her as a social worker during plagues 
and epidemics.'^ While at Calcutta Jyotindra Nath 
mastered wrestling from the famous wrestler Khetra 
Charan Goho, son of Ambika Charan Goho, from 
whom Swami Vivekananda also had learnt wrestling. 

IN sErvich: 

About the year 1900 Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee 
bade good bye to his collegiate studies and took to 
service to earn an independent livelihood. Serving for 
some time as a stenographer in a merchant office in 
Calcutta, and then as a stenographer to Barrister 
Kennedy at MuzaflFarpur, he was later appointed a 
Typist in the Bengal Secretariat on August 11, 1903. 
On May 15, 1904 he was appointed Stenographer to the 
Financial Secretary to the Government of Bengal on 
Rs. 100 per mensem. “In 1907”, as the P.olice Reports 
tell us, “he was sent to Darjeeling ©n some special 
work. From early youth he had had the reputation of a 
local Sandow and he soon attracted attention in 
Darjeeling in cases in which, true to his reputation as 
one of the earliest exponents of the physical f»rce 

7. This infcnmation has been dmved by the miter from Sd Benoy, 
Roy of Ku^tea already referred ta 


he tried to measure his strength with Europeans. 
In 1908 he was leader of one of several gangs that had 
sprung up in Darjeeling, whose object was the spread- 
ing of disaffection, and with his associates he started 
a branch of the Anusilan Samiti, called the Bandhab 

In April, 1908 Jyotindra Nath became involved in 
a quarrel with two army officers. Captain Murphy and 
Lt. Somerville, at 'the Siliguri railway station, and, 
consequently, legal proceedings were drawn up against 
him at Darjeeling for the assault he had committed to 
them.® After some time the case wag withdrawn by 
the complainants (army officers). The Magistrate,, 
however, advised Jyotindra Nath to behave properly 
in future. To this Jyotindra Nath said that he could 
not give assurance that he would refrain in future 
from taking similar action in self-defence or in the 
vindication of the rights of his countrymen. This 
was followed by his transfer to Calcutta in June, 1908. 
From that time until his arrest on January 27, 1910 
he was posted at Calcutta save the period from 
September to the first week of November, 1909 when 
be “was at Darjeeling and in attendance upon” the 
Financial Secretary to the Government of Bengal. 

Jyotindra Nath's contact with the Manicktola 
Garden House, the chief centre of revolutionary 
conspiracy in Bengal at that time, was earlier than his 
reposting in Calcutta, although he had never identified 
himself with that centre. He had his own idea of 
work and set himself to organize and train up a band 
of young men committed to the supreme work for the 
country — its liberation from foreign yoke by revolu- 

8. Vide the printed booklet entitled Conmetions With The Revolu- 
ticnary Vrgamsation In Bihar And Orissa. 1906-16 (jpp. 100) 
published from Patna in 1917, "mth a Forerord by W. Sealy 
(Bihar Sp. Branch), dated Patna, September 7, 1917. 

9. The Smesfum, January 28. 1910. Also see Jyotindra Nath's 
letter to Mr. Wheeler, the Financial Secretary to the Govt of 
Bengal, dated hftoch 30, 1911. 



tionary methofis. Following the arrest of the Manick- 
itola conspirators and the legal onslaught on the 
Calcutta Anusilan Samiti (1908-1909), a big vacuum 
was created in the political field of Bengal. The 
leaders were either jailed or deported and repressive 
laws were hurriedly passed by the Government to root 
out from the country the forces of violence and terror. 
Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee’s appearance on the scene 
just at this juncture was a god-send to the revolu- 
tionary workers. Very soon he plunged himself deeply 
into politics, secretly undertaking missionary tours 
through the districts of Howrah, Nadia, Khulna, 
Jessore, Rajsahi, and 24-Parganas and setting up 
secret societies in each district under the command of 
a local leader. 


By 1908-1909 a group of young men gathere4 
round the personality of Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee, 
of whom the most important were Baladev Roy, Jnan 
Mitra, Jyotish Majumdar (Chandi), Amaresh Kanjilal, 
Suresh Chandra Majumdar (who later l>ecame the 
founder of the Attamda Buzar Patrika), Devi Prasad 
Roy (Khuro), >Satis Sarkar, Charu Ghose (of Chetla) 
as well as Nani Gopal Sen (of Howrah)) Phanindra 
Nath Roy, Khitish Chandra Sanyal, Nalini Kanta Kar 
and Atul Krishna Ghose. A man of uncommon 
daring and force of character, Jyotindra Nath was 
looked upon by his associates as a hero, specially after 
his courageotts feat of killing a Royal • Bengal Tiger 
( 1906) with a dagger in a jungle off Kaya in Nadia.^® 

10. The skin of the striped Bengal tiger (not lec^rd) killed by 
Jyotindra Nath in 1906 as -well as the dagger with which it waa 
killed was presented to Dr. Suresh Prasad Sarbadhikari by 
Jyotindra Nath as a gift of gratitude on his recovery from the 
fatal wounds he had sustains during his fight with that tiger. 
Dr. Kanak Sarbadhikari, son of Dr. Suresh Saibadhlkari and at 
present Principal of the Calcutta Medical College, has stated to 
the writer on 22-8^ that his father who was then the leading 



During these days, a major pre-occupaHon ..of 
Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee was the organizat:"* J 
training up of a band of young men who would 
spread out into villages, doing social work and awaken- 
ing the masses to the need of the hour. Circumstanced 
as India was at that time, Jyotindra Nath was a 
believer in the efficacy of guerilla fighting to bring the 
British rulers to their knees. But he was not slow 
at the same time to realize that in order to render 
guerilla fighting effective, the masses must be patrio- 
tically roused and drawn into the movement. With 
this end in view Jyotindra Nath started, in collabora- 
tion with Bipin Bchari Ganguli of the Attonnati 
Samiti, a joint mess at Sovaram Basak Street (just 
at the back of the Calcutta Medical College and 
Hospital) intended to be a nucleus of revolutionary 
thought and action. Its membership included Girindra 
Nath Bhowmic (I, aw student), Khitish Chandra 
Sanyal (I. A. student), Baladev Roy (Homeopathy 
student), Phanindra Nath Roy (Homeopathy student), 
Nalini Kanta Kar (Homeopathy student) and 
Debendra Nath Das (I. A. student), all belonging to 
Jyotindra Nath’s group, as well as Ahindra Nath 
Chatterjee (M.A. student), Dhirendra Nath Chakra- 
varty (M.Sc. student), Ranen Ganguli (India Govern- 

, surgeon of Calcutta took upon himself the responsibility for 

curing that fatally wounded patient whose whole body nad been 
poisoned by the tiger's nails. He not merely operated upon the 
body of Jyotindra Nath, but also took the troubie of coming 
twice to his house daily to dress his wounds personally, and not 
getting them done by his assistants which was the usual course, Dr. 
K. Sarbadhikari states further that the exemplary heroism of 
Jyotindra Nath acted as an insiMring force b^ind his father's 
organisation of the Bengal Regiment sent to the Mesopotsunian 
battle-field in 1916. The skin of the tiger, padded and mounted 
with the head in bold relief, was laid on the fioor of their house 
as he saw it in- his boyhood days. The head was in tact together 
with the tongue and the ears except bearing some marks of wound 
on the nedc and on the body. The story that the tiger’s head was 
broken into pieces by Jyotindra Nath is thus an exaggeration. 
Although the skin has already perished, the dagger is still 
Reserved in the family of Dr. K. S^bedhikarL 
11, The aiutobiographical MSS in Bengali of Sri Nalini Kanta Kar. 


ment ’employee), all belonging to Bipin Gang^i’s 
Among those who frequented this mess were 
Satis Chandra Sarkar, Devi Prasad Roy, Atul Krishna 
Chose and Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee as well as Harish 
Chandra Sikdar, Probhas Chandra De, Tinkari De 
and Bipin Behari Gangfuli. The mess was financed 
in the main by Jyotin Mukherjee and Probhas De.^^ 
After some time the lieutenants of Jyotindra Nath 
except Girin Bhowmic and Deben Das shifted to 
another mess at Kasi Bose Lane, to which a new 
boarder was added and he was Satis Chandra Sarkar. 


Although political dacoity or murder of officials 
was not the main plank of Jyotindra Nath’s revolu- 
tionary programme (himself favouring guerilla fight- 
ing as the practical means of driving out the British 
from India), yet he had no moral scruples against 
political dacoity or murder as such. What counted 
with him most was the practicability and efficacy of 
the means adopted in a given situation. While waging 
political battle with a powerful adversary he did not 
allow ordinary ethics or morality to get the upper 
hand in him. In his political approach to the issue of 
violence vis-a-vis non-violence he appears to be a close 
follower of Aurobindo Ghose rather than of Mahatma 
Gandhi.^® As Sri Benoy Roy has stated, Jyotindra 
Nath accompanied by Manmatha Nath Bhowmic, Jatin 
Roy, Benoy Roy etc. led one dacoity expedition to 
Raita in Nadia on November 29, 1908, and encashed 
the looted ornaments at B. Sarkar’s Jewellery Shop in 
Calcutta.^^ Again, Jyotindra Nath played an impor- 

12. Ihtd. The point receives corroboration from Sri Ranen Ganguli 
of Bantra, Horwrah, who was then the steward of the ,»ness. 

13. iHiaridas Mukherjee and Uxna Mukherjee: Sri Amabindo And The 

New Thought In I^um Politics (<^. 1964, p. XXXI). 

14. According to the I. B. Records of the Govt, of West Bengal 

(F.N. 2^/15), the property looted from Raita in November, 190B 
was valued at Ra 1,915. Jyotindxa Nath’s leadership in Raita 



tant role in the murder of Samsul Alum, the Deputy 
Superintendent of Police (C.I.D.) on January 24, 
1910. He not merely gave it his moral sanction, but 
also had it accomplished by his lieutenant Satis Sarkar 
through the instrumentality of Biren Datta Gupta, a 
young member of the Calcutta Anusilan Samiti. 
Samsul Alum had made himself a contemptible creature 
in the eyes of Ithe revolutionaries for his tenacious 
hunting out of the persons involved or supposed to be 
involved in the Alipore Bomb Case as well as for his 
nakedly vindictive attitude to the under-trial prisoners^ 
But the immediate provocation g^ven l^y him was his 
disrespectful utterance towards the womenfolk of a 
house he went to for a search. The murder of 
Inspector Nandalal Banerjee by the Bengali revolu- 
tionaries on November 9, 1908 and the murder of 
Ashutosh Biswas, the Public Prosecutor of Alipore 
and Instructor of the Crown Counsel in the Bomb Case 
inside the Alipore courtyard on Februarj-- 10, 1909, had 
already set before Young Bengal a tradition of violence 
and had prepared the background for Alum’s murder. 

The murder of Samsul Alum left the authorities 
terrified and bewildered, and led to the arrest of 
Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee on the morning of January 
27, 1910 as the principal brain behind this assassination. 
Although Jyotindra Nath was released by the Police 
Commissioner from the charge of abetment of murder 
(January 30, 1910), yet he was ag^in immediately 
arrested and sent to Howrah along with Suresh 
Chandra Majumdar, Lalit Kumar Chatterjee and 
Nibaran Chandra Majumdar to stand trial under Sec. 
4(X) I.P.C. “for being members of a gang of dacoits”. 
After several days Jyotindra Nath was again trans- 
ferred to the Alipore Central Jail on February 9, 1910. 
Taking their cue from some statements of Biren Datta 

expedition is also corroborated by Sri Khiti^ Chandra Sanyal of 

Kushtea, and Satis Chandra Sarkar of North Benf^al. 



Gupta, a last-minute effort was made by the Calcutta 
Police to implicate Jyotindra Nath in Alum’s murder by 
arranging a court trial in the Presidency Jail by Mr. 
Swinhoe, the Officiating Chief Presidency Magistrate, 
on February 20, 1910, just one day before Biren Datta 
Gupta’s execution. 'The trial, however, could not be 
undertaken as Barrister J. N. Roy representing 
Jyotindra Nath “protested strongly against being called 
upon, without notice, to cross-examine a witness at 
the pistol’s point, without knowing until a few 
moments beforehand the charge against him, and with 
no opportunity uf interviewing his client”.’® Shortly 
afterwards and while still in jail, Jyotindra Nath was 
again arrested on a charge of having committed of- 
fences under Sections 121, 121A, 122, 123 and 124 of 
the Indian Penal Code. Thereafter on several occasions 
Jjotindra Nath was produced before the Additional 
District Magistrate of Howrah in course of the enquiry 
continuing for several months. On July 20, 1910 
Jvotindra Nath along with others was committed to 
take his trial before the Special Tribunal of the High 
Court, and the trial began before a Bench composed of 
the Hon’ble Chief Justice, and the Hon’ble Justices 
Brett and Digambar Chatter jee on December 1, 1910. 
On February 21, 1911 Jyotindra Nath “was acquitted 
and discharged by the said Special Tribunal, before 
the trial had ended”.’® 


After his release from the Howrah. Gang Case on 
February 21, 1911 JyoHindra Nath Mukherjee, who 
was then dismissed from Government service, took to 
conllractorship as a means of livelihood (1911) and set 

15. The StatetmOH, February 7Z, 1910. 

16. Jyotindra Nath Mukheriee’s memorial to the Vioenoy, dated 
September 2, 1911, seeking darifkatknv as to udiy he abould not 
be re^inatated in his Govemmoit post on Us acquittal. 


up his headquarters, first, at Golapnagar in the 
district of Murshidabad, and, then, at Jhinaidaha in 
the district of Jessore where he began to live with his 
family. He got the contract, first, of the earth-work 
for the Sara Bridge, then of Jhinaidaha-Jessore Light 
Kailway, and, thirdly, of the Screw Pipe Bridge at 
Jhinaidaha under the District Board of Jessore, and, 
finally, of the new MunsifF Court under P.W.D. at 
Magfura. During this period Jyotin Mukherjee strove 
hard to re-organize his political associates and fol- 
lowers, and with this end in view had also met in a 
conference in 1912 at the house of Benoy Roy of 
Kushtea, attended by Jatin Roy of North Bengal, 
Gopen Roy of Pabna and also by Khitish Sanyal of 
Kushtea, Nalini Kanta Kar of Jadubaira and Manmatha 
Nath Bhowmic of Kaya.^'' Narendra Nath Bhatla- 
charya, that daring young man and an organizer of 
several political dacoities including those of Chingripota 
and Netra during 1907-09, developed intimacy with 
Jyoiliridra Nath Mukherjee during their jail-life as 
under-trial prisoners in the Howrah Gang Case. 
Narendra Nath Bhattacharya and his comrade Hari 
Ktunar Chakravarty, both being members of the 
Harinavi branch of the Calcutta Anusilan Samiti, had 
heard a good deal about Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee 
from Phani Chakravarty of Chingripota, 24-Parganas, 
who had met Jyotin Mukherjee first in 1908 in 
Darjeeling. After his release from the Howrah Gang 
Case in 1911, Narendra Nath Bhattacharya along with 
Hari Kumar Chakravarty gathered round Jyotindra 
Nath Mukherjee and acknowledged him as their leader. 
As has already been referred to, Nalini Kanta Kar and 
Atul Krishna Ghose, both belonging to village Jadubaira 
in Kushtea and also being members of the Calcutta 
Anusilan Samiti, had already joined the camp of 

17. Vide the AGS of Nalini Kanta Kar and the writer’s interviews 
with Khiti^ Chandra Sanyal and Benoy Chandra Roy of Kushtea. 



Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee some time after their fruit- 
ful meeting with him at his village home in Kaya about 
March, 1909.^® Jadugopal Mukherjee, another member 
of the Calcutta Anusilan Samiti, did not have any 
direct contact with Jyotindra Nath until 1913-14, but 
v;as emotionally attached to Jyotindra Nath through the 
medium of his friend Narendra Nath Bhattacharya.^® 
Thus by 1911-12 Jyotindra Nath had organized a big 
circle around him which counted, among others, 
Narendra Nath Bhattacharya, Hari Kumar Chakra- 
varty, Nalini Kanta Kar and Atul Krishna Ghose. 


The next landmark in the revolutionary activities 
cf Bengal was closely connected with the inundation 
of 1913 bringing in its train untold suiferings and 
losses to the districts of Burdwan and Midnapore. This 
natural calamity came to the revolutionaries as a boon 
in disguise. It gave them an opportimity of mixing 
freely and intimately with the suffering masses in course 
of Itheir relief work. It also gave them an opportunity 
of getting together, otherwise separted from one another 
by group or sectional loyalties. The revolutionaries of 
various groups and denominations flocked to the flood- 
affected regions and began to work in close unison 
ostensibly for relief work but ultimately for their 
supreme political mission. Among those who played an 
important role in Burdwan and Midnapore at this stage 
v/ere Makhan Lai Sen, Aswini Lai Roy, Amarendra 
Nath Chatterjee, Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee, Jadugopal 
Mukherjee, Moti Lai Roy, all of whom had gone there 
as desha-sevakas (patriots) and samaj-semkas (social-' 

18. The MSS of N. K. Kar. 

19. Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee has infonned the Tvriter during her inter- 
view with him a^ Ranchi in September, 1965, that since the killing ' 
of a tiger by Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee he began to lode upon 
him as a great hero and felt a deep stirring in his soul to have 
a glimpse of that hero as if he had Mien in love with him. 



.servants) and utilised the occasion for getting together 
iti closer bonds. It was in this background that Jadu- 
gopal for the first itime came into direct contact with 
Jyotin Mukherjee at Kanthi, which, however, did not 
grow into intimacy until February, 1915.®® 


On their return to Calcutta towards the close of the 
year 1913, the revolutionary leaders began to think out 
a plan for the re-organization and amalgamation of 
all kindred spirits for Ithe common cause. The Barisal 
party which had come into being as early as 1908 
under the guidance of Satis Chandra Mukherjee (later 
Swami Erajnanananda), soon found in Naren Ghose 
■Choudhury of Noakhali its redoubtable organizer, with 
its headquarters at Barisal and its branches in Noa- 
khali, Comilla, Chittagong and Sylhet, and gained a 
position of importance in Bengal by 19.14, particularly 
after its amalgamation in Ithat year with the political 
group led by Nikhil Ranjan Guha Roy of Idilpur (Dt 
Faridpur), the Sadhana Samaj of Hemendra Kishore 
■Acharya Choudhury of Myinensingh and also the 
North Bengal group of Jatin Roy of Bag^ra.®^ With 
this enlarged Barisal party Jyotin Mukherjee’s group 
met at a conference in March, 1915 on the roof of a 
mess at Sankar Ghose’s Lane, Calcutta, attended by 
Narendra Nath Bhattacharya, Jadugopal Mukherjee 
and Altul Krishna Ghose, on the one hand, and Naren 
Ghose Choudhury, Jogen Basu and Manoranjan Gupta, 
-on the other. The urgency for unity was stressed by 
Narendra Nath Bhattacharya specially (n the back- 
ground of a prospective armed rising in India with 
.active collaboration from the Gierman Government. 
Although no formal amalgamation took place at this 
•stage, yet a practical amalgamation was forged out, 

20. The -writer’s interview with Jadiugopal Mukherjee. 

21. The unpublished Smtiti^Katha by Manaranjan Gupta. 



"both sides agreeing to work under the leadership of 
Jyotin Mukherjee. This was ndt merely due to the 
towering personality of Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee but 
also due to the practical retirement of Swami Prajnana- 
nanda in Benares and his subsequent internment.®® It 
was now left for Jyotindra Nath to organize and lead 
the revolutionary groups in Bengal, particularly those 
described in official records as forming the ‘Jugantar’ 
revolutionaries or the ‘Western Bengal Party’.®* 

Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee and his lieutenants who 
had been for a long time in close touch with the 
Attonnati Samiti of Bipin Behari Ganguli, streng- 
thened their entente with the latter in the background 
of the First World War. It has to be noted that by 
1914 the Barisal party had come to an understanding 
with the Attonnati Samiti for joint action. This 
triple entente bore valuable fruit in connection with 
the theft of Rodda’s arms (August 26, 1914), which 
though planned and executed mainly by the Mukti 
Sangha of Dacca in collaboration with the Attonnati 
Samiti, yet in the disbursement of the consignments 
the hands Jyotin Mukherjee’s lieutenants and of the 
Barisal party were conspicuously in evidence. Besides, 

22. The -writer's interview with Sri Manoranjan Gupta in July. 1965. 
Sri Gupta has further informed her tihat the liaison between 
Jyotin Mukherjee's group and the Barisal party was Sri Gupta 
himself who, as a Fourth Year student, had gone to Kalinagar in 
■ Kanthi Sub-Division, Midnapore, as a flood-relief worker in 1913v. 
and had been much impressed by the personality of Jadugopal 
Mukherjee. The aforesaid meeting was proposed by Jadugopal 
Mukherjee to Manoranjan Gupta who had come to Calcutta in 
1914 after passing the B.A. Examination. Notwithstanding the 
ded^on adopted at that meeting that the two^groups would work 
out a oonnnon programnae under their respective leaders, viz., 
Jyotin Mukherjee and Swami Prajnanananda, yet in practice the 
leadership of Jyotindra Nath over both the groups became an 
aodomplished £a^ particularly due to the absence of the Swamiji 
from. Bengal. 

22. The offidm analysis of the term '"Jiigantar” revolutionaries is to 
be found in Ch^ter I. Mr. Denh^ in his third report on the 
IRajabazar case, dt. 253.1914, and Mr. Tegart in his lengthy 
Note On Tlte Situation Tn Chandermgore, dt. 1(X3.1917. have used 
the term 'Western Bengal Part/ with reference to these revolu- 


the Madaripur group of Puma Das was drawn dose to 
jyotindra Nath Mukherjee about this time. After the 
withdrawal of the Madari^jur Conspiracy Case 
(January 17-April 19, 1914) which was instituted 
for numerous political dacoities in 1913 at Bharakair, 
Gopalpur, Kawakuri etc. committed by Puma Das’s 
group, a few of his devoted followers, viz., Chittapriya 
Roy Choudhury, Manoranjan Sen Gupta, Niren Das 
Gupta, Radha Charan Pramanik and Patit Paban Ghose 
began to live at Calcutta and soon joined hands with 
Jyotin Mukherjee to work for tlie contemplated armed 
rising in India. Thus during 1914-15 most of the 
principal revolutionary parties in Bengal, hithertO' 
working isolatedly, had made an entente among them- 
selves to form a united front and to work conjointly 
for an armed rising in India against the British Raj. 

Attempts were also made at the same time to forge 
union with the Chandernagore revolutionary groups as 
well as with the Dacca Anusilan Samiti through the 
medium of the Sramajihi Samahaya (the Workers’ 
Co-operative) of Amarendra Nath Chatter jee of Uttar- 
para. Started at Bowbazar in 1908 and then shifted 
to the College Street and Harrison Road junction, the 
Samahaya had been secretly functioning from the very 
beginning as a meeting place of the revolutionaries all 
over Bengal. Amarendra Nath Chatterjee was closely 
connected with Srish Chandra Ghose, Moti Lai Roy and 
Narendra Nath Banerjee, the leaders of Chander- 
nagore revolutionaries, as well as with Amrita Lai 
Hazra and Pratul Chandra Ganguli of the Anusilan 
Samiti. Through Satis Sen Gupta of Serampore the 
Samahaya came into close touch with the Attonnati 
Samiti also. From the very outset Jyotindra Nath was 
an intimate friend of Amarendra Nath and a frequent 
visitor to the Sramajihi Samahaya. It was in this 

24. FUe Na 130/15 in the I. B. Records of the Govt, of West Bengal, 
for a “Note On The Madaripur Political Situation”. 


rewlesvous that Rash Behari Bose, a Chandernagore 
man but really the leader of the U. P. and Punjab 
revolutionaries, came into close touch with Jyotindra 
Nath Mukherjee. The meeting between Amarendra 
Nath, Jyotindra Nath and Rash Behari at the 
Panchabati of Dakshineswar (probably at the close of 
1913), which discussed the possibilities of an armed 
rising in India by inciting the Indian army serving 
under the British, was an important episode in the 
history of Indion revolutionary movement. Impressed 
by Jyotindra Nath’s zeal, fiery energy and perso- 
nality, Rash Bdiari asked the former to lead the 
movement in Bengal in the event of an armed rising 
and himself went to Benares (April, 1914) to organize 
the scattered forces into a revolutionary organization. 
Twice Jyotindra Nath had been to Benares — once he 
went with Rash Behari himself in December-January, 

1913- 14 to have a first-hand knowledge of the Benares 
situation, and again he met Rash Behari at Benares in 
January, 1915 to receive further instructions from him 
with regard to Bengal before the latter would leave 
for the Punjab, Thus we find that during the years 

1914- 1915 Jyotindra Nath had l>ecome the accredited 
leader of the revolutionary movement in Bengal enjoy- 
ing the confidence of various revolutionary groups and 

Efiforts were also directed in this period to forge 
a union between Jyotin Mukherjee’s party and the 
Dacca Anusilan Samiti. According to Dr. Jadugopal 
Mukherjee, an attempt at amalgamation was made by 
Amrita Lai Hazra and Biren Sen, on the dhe hand, and 
Jadugopal Mukherjee, Ashu Das, Benoy Datta and 
Atul Ghose, on the other, but without much success.®® 
It was followed by other similar moves. Once in 
Aug^tst, 1914 Nalini Kishore Guha, Pratul Chandra 

25. The •writer’s interview ■mtb Dr. Jadugcypal Mukherjee. 



■Gang^li and Rabindra Mohan Sen met Jyotindra Nath 
-Mukherjee at the Arya Niwas in Sealdah and discussed 
:about the possibilities of amalgamation on the basis of 
the abandonment of the practice of political dacoities 
which was much favoured by the Anusilan Samiti as a 
practical means, first, of securing money for the revolu- 
tionary work, secondly, of keeping alive the revolu- 
tionary spirit in its members, and, thirdly, of terrorising 
the bureaucracy. But nothing fruitful emerged out of 
this meeting. A next meeting took place between the 
Anusilan Samiti men and Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee at 
Atul Ghose’s house in Chidam Mudi’s Lane. But this 
meeting also proved abortive.^" Talks in this direction 
could not make much headway because of the sudden 
arrests of Nalini Kishore Guha, Pratul Chandra 
Ganguli and Rabindra Mohan Sen of the Anusilan 
Samiti by the agents of the bureaucracy. The much 
desired amalgamation with the Anusilan Samiti 
which could not be accomplished in 1914-15 was 
realized in 1916-17 when, after the arrests of the impor- 
tant leaders of the Anusilan Samiti, its absconding 
members went to Chandernagore for shelter and joined 
hands with other absconders at that place representing 
■different political groups. 


The outbreak of the World War I in August, 1914 
gave a mighty Stimulus to India’s revolutionary move- 
ment, It created such international situations as 
enabled the Indian revolutionaries to function more 
effectively, particularly by making use of foreign mili- 
tary and financial assistance. The failure of the plan 
of an armed rising from Peshwar to Bengal as 
organized by Rash Behari Bose (February, 1915) ins- 
pired Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee to organize a second 

26. Vide the wriier’s interview i^th Sri Nalini Kishore Guha. Also 

see N. K Guha’s Biplab-hadf p. 322. 



revolutionary uprising in India by adopting more effec- 
tual steps for carrying through the plan successfully. 
Jyotindra Nath believed that without international co- 
operation India could not work out her salvation all 
alone, and naturally he looked up to Germany, Britain’s 
deadliest enemy, for effective assistance to India’s 
revolutionary movement. 

The prospect of German help in favour of Indian 
i'evolutionaries was first indicated in Bernhardi’s book 
entitled Gertnckty Atid The Next War (October, 
1911). Mr. J. C. Ker, I. C. S., who was Personal 
Assistant to thd Director of Criminal Intelligence, 
Government of India, during 1907-1913, wrote the fol- 
lowing in this connection: “There can be little doubt 
that, in risking war with England, the Germans took 
account of what they believed to be the situation in 
India. The importance they attached to this matter is 
apparent from the references to India in Bernhardi’s 
book Germany And The Next War, while the tour 
through India of the Crown Prince, and the subsequent 
private visit of the affable and polite Lieutenant Von 
Bchweinitz of the First Prussian Foot Guards, who 
managed to see a good deal of the army at Jhelum, 
Rawalpindi, Peshawar and the Khyber, were not per- 
haps eniirely pleasure trips. Public opinion in 
Germany was not left unprepared ; on the 6th of March, 
1914, the Berliner Tageblatt published an article on 
‘England’s Indian Trouble’ in which the writer took a 
gloomy view of the situation, and predicted that the 
day of reckoning for England would come ‘far sooner 
•than official negligence dreams of’.”®'' * A letter of 
Dhirendra Kumar Sarkar (younger brother of Prof. 
Benoy Sarkar of international repute) written on the 
eve of the First World War, from Germany to Satis 
Sen of Serampore, Bengal, communicating to the latter 

27. J. C. Ker; Political Trouble In India: 190T-1917 (Oaloutta, 1917). 



Bethmaiin Hollweg’s (German Chancellor’s) assurance 
cf armed assistance to the Indian cause gave further 
encouragement to the Bengal revolutionaries for 
organizing a second upsurge.^* The formation of the 
Berlin-India Committee (September, 1914) which was 
tiansformed into the Indian Independence Committee 
with the avowed object of securing German military- 
c«w-financial assistance for organizing an armed rising 
in India as well as for making attacks at the eastern 
and western gates of the British Indian Empire, was 
a further encouragement to the Bengal revolutionaries. 
The news was brought home to then\ by a number of 
men including Abinash Chandra Bhattacharya, who 
had been associated with the early organization of the 
Committee at Berlin and had returned to India in late 


The specific message of the shipment of arms to 
India was conveyed to the Bengal revolutionaries by 
Jitendra Nath I^hiri, a member of the Berlin-India 
Committee (or the I. I. C.), who had returned to India 
from Berlin in early March, 1915. It has been learnt 
from Sri Lahiri that after being instructed by Viren 
Chattopadhyay, the life and soul of the Berlin-India 
Committee, to ask the Bengal revolutionaries to send 
an emissary to the German Consul at Batavia for giving 
proper guidance to the ship-load of arms to the Indian 
shores, Jitendra Nath in no time left Berlin for India. 
On his arrival in Bengal he first met Amarendra Nath 
Chatterjee of Uttarpara, and, then, apprised the 
Bengal leaders of the instructions of the Berlin-India 
Committee in a secret conference held at Amarendra 
Nath’s residence, attended by Amarendra Nath Chat- 

28. The TTiiter’s interview with Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee in February. 

1966 - . _ . 

29. Europe Bharatiyn Biplc^ber Sadkona by Dr. Abina^ Chandra 
Bhattacharya. On his return to Ind’a Dt. lihattacharya contacted 
Ashu Das of Hooghly and through his medium sent to Jadtigopal 
Mukherjee a formida of Spandau bonnib. a poi^rful type of explo- 
sive manufacfcuied at Spandau in Germany during the War. 



ierjee himself, Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee, Hari Kumar 
Chakravarty, Atul Krishha Ghose etc.®® Narendra 
Nath Bhattacharya who was not present in that 
meeting was soon chosen as the emissary for Batavia. 
Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee, however, communicates to 
the writer in a letter (25.8.66) that Jitendra Nath, on his 
return to Bengal, informed Jadugopal of the message 
of the Berlin-India Committee probably at his Beniatola 
Street residence who, on his turn, conveyed -it to 
Jyotindra Nath then putting up as an absconder at a 
house in Khiderpore. 

Closely following upon this, a secret meeting was 
held at the Ram’s Ghat at Uttarpara on the bank of 
the Ganges to formulate a programme of work for the 
second rising. Besides Amarendra Nath Chatterjee of 
Uttarpara and Moti Lai Roy and Srish Chandra Ghose 
of Chandernagore, Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee, Atul 
Krishna Ghose, Makhan Lai Sen and Bipin Behari 
Ganguli of Calcutta attended that midnight meeting. 
The problem of securing adequate arms and money 
before the rising could be successfully organized was 
discussed in del ails. The necessity of hurried contact 
with the German Consulates at Bangkok, Batavia and 
Shanghai also received due attention at that meeting. 
Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee took the responsibility of 
supplying money for the cause, and Amarendra Nath 
Chatterjee was entrusted with providing safety to 
the absconders.®^ 

The Indian revolutionaries had already set up 
their base of work both in Siam and Java. The foreign 
v/ing of the Indian revolutionary organization led by 
Jadugopal Mukherjee®® and assisted by Satis Sen, Ashu 

SQL The ■writer’s interview ■with Sri Jitendra Nath Lahiri at Serampore 
<m 10.8.1966. 

31. Amor Dekha O BtpUibi by Moti Lai Roy, pp. 133-134. Also 

see the MSS of Bhffrater Smadhirtatm Jtihas by Amarendra Nath 
Chatterjee, p. 52. 

32. The Proceedings of the Home (Poll.) Deptt. of the Government of 
India, January 1918, Nos. 395^397, Part B, mention Jadugopal 



Das, Benoy Datta and Bhola Chatterjee®® decided to 
carry on communication with Bangkok and Batavia 
through Atmaram and Naren Bhattacharya respec- 
tively. The Siam centre had been very much active 
about this time which had liaison with the Bengal revolu- 
tionaries through Bhola Nath Chatterjee.®* 


Before Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee went under- 
ground (February 24, 1915) he had been intimately 
connected with a number of incident^ taking place in 
February, 1915. His bid for “rupees one lakh in a 
week” and the consequent political dacoities committed 
at Garden Reach and Beliaghata had close bearing 
with the prospective rising in near future. The 
Garden Reach motor raid of February 12, 1915 was 
organized by Naren Bhattacharya in collaboration 
with Atul Ghose, under the command of Jyotin 
Mukherjee. The actual dacoity was committed by 
Naren Bhattacharya and the Madaripur followers of 
Jyotindra Nath. 

After the accomplishment of the dacoity while 
Naren Bhattacharya was proceeding next day to 

Mukherjee as the Director of Foreign Department, Indian 
Nationalist Party. 

33. By 1907-08 these men were associated with Jadugopal Mukherjee. 
Benoy Datta and Bhola Chatterjee were members of the Calcutta 
Anusilan Samiti, and Satis Sen and Ashu Das came to Calcutta 
fronj Serampore for having oolleigiate edueaton. 

34. Bhola Nath Chatterjee was an important link between the Bengal 
and Siam revolutionaries. As early as 1910-11 Bhola Nath had b^n 
to Penang and Singapore, and accompanied by Nani Bose dressed 
B6 a Brahmachaiil he again went to Siam in 1913 under Jadugopal's 
direction. There he made contacts with the Punjabi contractors 
engaged in the construction of Bunna-Siam Railway through 
engineer Amar Sin^, a prominent figure in the Sjam conspiracy. 

^ who was later executed at the hands of the British. While in Siam, 
Bhola Nath ccMitacted in April 1914 Kumud Mukherjee. a Bengali 
pleader living at Bangkok since March, 1912 and a supporter of the 
revolutionary cause, and returned to Calcutta by Ottober of the 
same year. Bhola Nath introduced the name of Kumud Mukherjee 
to the Calcutta leaders as a sympathiser with their project at 
Bangle. Nani Bose returned to Calcutta some time later through 
cverland route on foot. 



Ultadanga from Jadugopal's residence, he was arrested 
by Sub-Inspector Suresh Chandra Mukherjee at the 
five-street crossing of Shyambazar. He was, however, 
released on bail after Radha Charan Pranianik had 
been induced to make a confession.®® 

Altogether Rs. 18,000 of Messrs Bird & Co. were 
successfully looted in broad day light and properly 
utilised for the revolutionary cause. 

Just as Rodda’s ma users and cartridges stolen by 
the revolutionaries were distributed over wide areas 
and among different groups, so the money looted at 
Garden Reach was also similarly disbursed. Moti Lai 
Roy has stated that a portion of the money of Messrs 
Bird & Co. also found its way to Chandernagore to 
the extent of Rs. 2,000 in one-anna piece and Rs. 5,000 
in 4 anna and 8 anna pieces.®* 

The Garden Reach dacoily was soon followed by 
another daring taxi raid at Beliaghata organized by 
the comrades of Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee under his 
general direction. At 9-30 P.M'. on b'ebruary 22, the 
party led by Phanindra Nath Chakra varty and assisted 

35. Vide the -writer's interviews with Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee, 
Narendra Nath Bhattacharya and Bipin Ganguli having tak^n 
initial shelter on the night of the Garden Reach dacoity (or may 
he the next night) at Jadugopal’s house, left that place the following 
morning for Ultkianga where Bipin Ganguli had a shelter. As 
Naren Bhattacharya, after meeting Nirjharini Sarkar (whom- she* 
regarded as his own mother) at the Shyambazar Street, had started 
for Ultadanga, he -was suddenly arrested by S. I. Suresh Mukherjee. 
As soon as the information of the arrest of Naren Bhattacharya,. 
the right-hand man of Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee, had reached 
hian, the latter sent a few persons to the Lai Bazar Thana to 
secure the release of Narendra Nath from the police custody by 
any means. But as Narendra Nath had already been transferred 
to the Alipore jail the scheme could not be carried out. Then, on 
Jadugicml's suggestion a bail was proposed for him and accej^ed 
on oondition that one must ooi^ess about the Garden Reach dacoity. 
Radha Charan Pramanik was therefore instructed by Puma Das 
through his vakil to make a confession. It is to be further noted 
that from 20, Fakir Chand Mitra's Street, four young men including 
Radha Charan Pramanik and Patit Paban Chose had been arrested 
on February 2t, 1915 under the Arms' Act in connection with the 
Garden Reach dacoity. 

36. Moti Lai Roy: Amar Dekha Biplab O Biplabt, pp. 134-135. 



by Chittapriya, Manoranjan, Nirendra etc. “drove up 
in a taxi to the house of Lalit Mohan Brindaban Saha, 
a rice merchant of Beliaghata and decamped with 
Rs. 22,000 in cash. They were armed with pistols and 
threatened the rice merchant and his cashier, the latter 
of whom, on offering resistance, was wounded. It 
was also found that they had shot dead the chauffeur 
and thrown his body on the canal bank”.®^ But un- 
fortunately, the Beliaghata money did not come to the 
use of the revolutionaries as the cash box, when opened 
a few days later at the house of Prof. Probhas De, was 
found to have been filled in with paper chips only 
instead of rupee notes. The mischief must have 
occurred through some mysterious agency while the 
cash box was in transit. 

Due to the non-availability of the Beliaghata 
money to the revolutionaries another dacoity at 
Pragpur (Dt. Nadia) had to be committed (April 30, 
1915), but the miscarriage in the plan of retreat led to 
a skirmish between the revolutionary party and the 
police resulting in the tragic end to Sushil Sen’s life. 
Meanwhile, a critical situation had arisen after the 
shooting of Nirod Haidar, a suspected spy, by 
Chittapriya Roy Choudhury at 73, Pathuriaghata 
Street (February 24, 1915) and the murder of S. I. 
Suresh Mukherjee (C. I. D.) by Naren Ghose 
Choudhury on the Cornwallis Street (February 28, 
1915). As Nirod Haidar mentioned the name of Jyotin 
Mukherjee as the assassin in his dying statement in 
hospital, a warrant of arrest was immediately issued 
against Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee. Another warrant 
was also issued against Chittapriya who thereafter 
v^ent underground. On February 28, 1915 absconder 
Chittapriya was placed as a bait at the Cornwallis Street 

37. The I. B, Records of the Govt of West Bengal, File No. 755/1917. 



and Manicktola Street crossing for the detection of 
Suresh Mukherjee.®* 

After these incidents had taken place, prudence 
counselled Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee to hide away 
from Calcutta for some time specially in view of the 
armed rising that was to take place soon. A suitable 
hideout for Jyotindra Nath began to be sought out, but 
he refused to stir out of Calcutta unless and until 
^milar provisions could be made for his fellow abscon- 

— Bipin Ganguli, Chitiapriya and others — who were 
k:s constant companions during this critical period. 
His concern for»the safety of his colleagues was clearly 
revealed in the following statement he had made to 
Jadugopal Mukherjee at Phani Chakravarty’s resi- 
dence at 12, Mirzaffar Lane: “Unless and until a 
similar shelter is procured for Bipin and others, I will 
not go”. Bipin Ganguli, Naren Bhattacharya and 
Harish Sikdar were present on that occasion. This 
reveals Jyotindra Nath’s integrity of character worthy 
of a great leader. A few months later he again refused 
to part company with his followers at Kaptipada for 
the sake of his own personal safety. 

In March, 1915 Jyotin Mukherjee along with 
Chittapriya, Bipin Ganguli and others left for Bagnan 
where they were provided with a temporary shelter by 
the caricaturist Atul Sen, the Headmaster of Bagnan 
High School. Meanwhile, Nalini Kanta Kar, an old 
associate of Jyotin Mukherjee, went t > Bagnan along 
with Naren Bhattacharya to have Jyotindra Nath’s 
■consent, and then proceeded from Calcutta to Mahuldiha 
in the Mourbhanj State in Orissa where’ they were able 
to find out a suitable place at Kaptipada for Jyotindra 
Nath’s hideout with the help of Sri Manindra Nath 

38. According to Sri Manoranjan Gupta the party was led by the 
Barisal leader Naren Ghose Choudhury and it oonsisted of, b^d^ 
himself, Chittapriya Roy Choudhury, Manoranjan Sen Gupta, ^shil 
Sen and Sachin Datta 



Chakravarty. The preliminary work done, Naren 
Bhattacharya came back to Calcutta to return to 
Kaptipada within a fortnight along with Jyotin 
Mukherjee and Chittapriya as well as Saileswar Bose 
of the Universal Emporium of Balasore. There at 
Kaptipada Nalini Kar had already constructed a 
thatched hut for the dwelling of Jyotindra Nath and 
others. Thus began a new phase of Jyotin Mukherjee’s- 
life — ^his life as an absconder at Kaptipada where he 
died heroically in action in September, 1915.®® 


According to an earlier decision, Narendra Nath 
Bhattacharya sailed for Batavia from Madras in 
April, 1915, after having met Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee 
at Kaptipada eMi route. M. N. Roy’s statement in his- 
Memoirs that he left for Java “before the end of 1914” 
is a mistake. Naren Bhattacharya took the -pseudo 
name of C. A. Martin, put on European dress and 
spoke elegant English with correct accent. At Batavia 
Martin came into touch through the German Consul 
with Theodore Helfferich, a Batavian merchant, “who- 
stated -that a cargo , of arms and ammunition was on 
•its way to Karachi to assist the Indians in a revolution’’. 
He also contacted the Indian revolutionaries in Java, 
Siam and elsewhere. A Sikh Ghadr man, Atmaram: 
by name, who was very important in the Siam cons- 
piracy, proved to be of great help to Martin in his 
project.^® Thanks to Martin and Atmaram, German 

39. Nalini Kanta Kar's MSS. 

40. From America Atmaram came to Siam via Chifia and joined hands 
with other conspirators in seeking out overland routes for tliie- 
smuggle of arms to India. In March, 1915 he vi^ted India to 
gather a lirst-hand information of the Punjab and Bengal fronts 
and met Kaviraj Bejoy Krishna Roy and Jadugopal Mukherjee in' 
Calcutta. After the Siam conspiracy had been unearthed Atmaram 
managied his escape to China where, assisted by Tarak Nath Das, 
he kiUed a Briti^ agent I&mam Singh at Nanking in February. 
1917, for which act he was later eKecutiki ait Shanghai. 


nionejr was rendered available to the Indian revolu- 
tionaries between June and August, 1915. During this 
period code telegraphic messages used to pass frequent- 
ly between Bangkok and Batavia, on the one hand, and 
the revolutionary centres in Calcutta, on the other. 

Three Calcutta addresses were generally found 
mentioned in these code telegrams sent from Weltev- 
reden (part of Batavia) and from Bangkok. They 
were Sramajibi Sumabaya Ltd. at the Harrison Road- 
College Street crossing; S. B. Mukherjee of Sonua 
Stone and Lime Co. at 101 11 Clive Street; and Harry 
& Sons at 41* Clive Street. Sudhangsu Bhushan 
Mukherjee, a friend of Amarendra Nath Chatterjee, 
was the principal financier of the Sramajibi Soymabaya 
and also the owner of that firm known as Sonua Stone 
& Lime Co. Although he was never included in the 
inner circle of the revolutionaries, yet in the milieu of 
the Samabaya he got into contact with quite a large 
number of them. Amarendra Nath Chatterjee writes 
that by supplying to Martin the address of Sudhangsu 
Mtikherjee’s firm he was indirectly responsible for the 
arrest of this innocent man, for which act of indiscre- 
tion he later expressed his regret.^^ 

The Harry & Sons, a small firm of the order 
supplier class but having underground revolutionary 
connections, was established by Hari Kumar Chakra- 
varty of Kodalia, 24 Parganas, who had intimate 
friendship with Narendra Nath Bhattacharya of the 
same village. The firm, “whh a turn-over of less than 
Rs. 500/- a month”^® was founded a few years back 
with Hari Kumar Chakravarty as its sole proprietor 
who was assisted by his brother Makhan Lai Chakra- 
varty as well as by Shyam Sundar Bose of village 
Kodalia. Besides, Hari Kumar Chakravarty set up at 

41. The MSS. of Amarendra Naith Chatterjee, p. 46. 

42. The letter of the Police Conmussioaer. Cidcutta, to the Chief' 
Secretary to the Govt, of Bengal, dated August 11, 1915. 



Balasore a cycle-shop known as the Universal Empo- 
rium, with supply of goods from Smmajihi Samabaya, 
and left it to the charge of Saileswar Bose, brother of 
Shyam Sundar Bose, the clerk of Harry & Sons. This 
shop also served as a centre of secret revolutionary 
work and functioned as a liaison between absconder 
Jyotin Mukherjee at Kaptipada and his associates in 
Calcutta during this most critical period. 

Altogether, four transactions of German money 
took place between Batavia, Bangkok and Calcutta 
through Martin and Atmaram. Mr. G. C. Denham of 
the I. B. Department, Bengal, prepared at that time a 
very interesting note on these financial transactions, 
which in part reads as follows: 

“On the 24th June a telegram was sent by S. B. 
Mukherjee of the Sonua Stone & Lime Company, of 
101/1 Clive Street, to Mr. Cholirmull, Batavia, asking 
for 5000 tons to be sent. On the 29th of the month a 
reminder was sent to Mr. Layard, C/o the Postmaster, 
Weltevreden. This second wire must have crossed 
iinother telegram despatched by one Thakur Das from 
Wel'tevreden in which he says he has remitted Rs. 5000. 
On the same day, that is the 29th June, the Eastern 
Bank, Calcutta, was remitted Rs. 5000 by the Nether- 
lands Trading Society from Batavia, to be paid to 
Harry & Sons of 41 Clive Street. On the 3rd of July 
Hari Kumar Chakravarty, on behalf of Harry & Sons, 
leceived i^ayment of Rs. 5000 from the Eastern Bank. 
He was identified by Mr. James Eergusson, of Messrs 
J. C. Duffus & Co., Jute Buyers. It appears that for 
many years the firm Harry &: Sons had bought bazar 
articles for Messrs J. C. Duffus & Co,, and Hari 
Kumar Chakravarty was thus known to Mr. Eergusson 
, . . Rs. 5000 was drawn in hundred-rupee notes . . . 
On the 3rd July a telegram was sent to Mr. Chotirmull, 
Batavia, by Harry & Sons acknowledging the receipt 
of the money”. 


This was the first transaction. About the second 
tiansaction Mr. Denham writes the following: 

“The second transaction may be said to date from 
the 29th June when S. B. Mukherjee of the Sonua 
Stone and Lime Company, 101/1 Clive Street, wired 
to Mr. Chotirmull, Batavia, on the 29th asking for 

10.000 bags of sugar; getting no, immediate reply a 
reminder was sent on the 6th July asking for the ‘bags 
sugar’ to be sent immediately. This wire was sent in 
the name of Bhajan Lai and an address was given at 
13 Balak Ram Dutt Lane. Knquiries have shown that 
this address is a false one. On the 12th July Harry & 
Sons received a wire from Thakur Das, Weltevreden, 
saying that 10,000 had been remitted. On the 
13th of July the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank 
received 8,000 guilders which are the equivalent by 
exchange of Rs. 10,000. This money was remitted by 
Thakur Das to be paid to Harry & Sons. Apparently 
Hari Kumar Chakra varty was afraid to ask Mr. 
Fergusson again to guarantee him to the Bank and so, 
on the 20th of July, he got a friend, Nagendra Nath 
Dutt, an old member of the Calcutta Anusilan Samiti, 
to introduce him to the Co-operative Hindusthan Bank, 
where he opened an account by depositing Rs. 500 in 
small notes. On the 21st he (Hari Kumar) deposited 
in the Bank his telegraphic transfer for the Rs. 10,000 
on the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank. This money was 
credited to him and was realised by the Co-operative 
Hindusthan Bank who guaranteed the proper payment 
of the sum to Harry & Sons. On the 26th July Hari 
Kumar Chakravarty, on behalf of Harry & Sons the 
name in which the account was opened, withdrew Rs. 

5.000 on a cheque payable to self. This money was 
paid by the Bank in four notes of Rs. 500, and thirty 
of Rs. 100 . . . 

“On the 4th August Hari Kumar Chakravarty, 
on behalf of Harry & Sons, withdrew a further Rs. 3000 



on a cheque payable to self. This sum was paid in six 
notes of Rs. 500 which were exchanged for cash on the 
following day at the Currency Office. On the 6th 
August Hari Kumar withdrew Rs. 100 and on the 7th 
a further Rs. 200. It is probably due to this last with- 
■drawal that we were able to obtain his Cheque Book 
and thus start our enquiries into his accounts”.*® 

Thus in June and July, 1915 German purse amount- 
ing to Rs. 15,000 reached the hands of the revolu- 
tionaries in Calcutta. Naren Bhattacharya o/wm 
M arlin, after having consulted with the German Con- 
sulates at Batavia • and Bangkok arid having been 
ensured by them about the despatch of arms to India, 
decided to come back to his country to make an on-. 
Ihe-spot arrangement to take delivery of those arms. 
During his stay at Batavia, he once ran the risk of 
being arrested by the British spies but was saved in 
a mysterious way. While going to Hongkong from 
Batavia he came to know on board the ship that the 
British spies, in their desperate search for a particular 
Indian, were making a frantic effort by searching 
every passenger at the Hongkong port. By cleverly 
placating the captain Martin induced him to stop his 
ship at mid-ocean so that the former could board 
another Batavia-bound ship from Hongkong and thus 
had a safe passage to Batavia.** 

On June 15, 1915 Naren Bhattacharya alias 
Martin arrived at Madras at 8 O’clock in the morning 

43. Mr. Denham’s Note on the Financial Transactions of Hany & Sons, 
41 Qive Street, Calcutta, and Amarendra Nath Chatterjee, dated 
August, 1915. 

44. N. K. Kar’s MSS. The incident was reported by Narendra Naith 
Bhattacharya to Nalini Kar and others during the former’s visit to 
Kaptipada on his return to India by the middle of June, 1915 l 
T his is also corroborated by M. N. Roy’s Memoirs (Bombay. 1964) 
in which the writer, with reference to his travelling on the China 
Sea (1915-16), siaites the following: “It was not always a pleasant 
experience, but at times quite exciting — ^being transported from 
one ^ip to another oii the high seas in a li^boait. in order to 
avdd going to Hongkong” (p. 19). 



with a draft of Rs. 18,000 “in the name of C. A. Martin, 
Esq., or bearer” in his hand. A passenger on the s. s. 
Golccnda, he alighted from the ship on June 14 at 
Negapatam, and reached Madras next day by the 
Madras Mail and presented the draft in the Madras 
National Bank that very noon. As no letter of authori- 
sation had yet reached the Bank, Mr. Griffiths of the 
said Bank refused to make cash payment to Martin on 
that day and asked him to wait till the next day when 
the s. s. Golcondp, was expected at Madras with the 
Straits Mails. But Martin declined to stay at Madras 
because of his other pre-occupations of a very urgent 
nature. Mr. Griffiths who had talked with the man 
called Martin for nearly half an hour gave the follow- 
ing description of him to Mr. Denham: 

“Appeared to lie almost certainly a Bengali; age 
about 23-25 years; height about 5'6” or 57”; fairly 
well-built and having a slim and wiry appearance; 
thin face and hair cut in European fashion; noticeably 
dark complexion; clean-shaven; good-looking; sharp 
features; talked English very well and appeared to be 
a thoroughly bright and intelligent person ; wore 
European clothes similar to those worn in India in 
the hot weather”.*” Curiously enough, this man was 
at that time mistaken for Dhangopal Mukherjee, 
brother of Jadugopal Mukherjee, “on account of a 
remarkable case of photographic identification”. 

Naren Bhattacharya {alias Martin) sent a wire 
from Madras on June 15, 1915 under the pseudo name 
of White to Jadugopal Mukherjee at 62, Beniatola 
Street, Calcutta. The telegram ran thus: “Arrived 
here, Starting tonight for Balasore, expect to see some 
one there; White”.*® Thus it is apparent that he left 

45. Mr. Denham's Nate on Further Enquiry re\ the Draft cashed at 
, the National Bank bv A. N. Chatterjee and ie: the Identity of 

C. A. Martin, dated September 2, 1915. 

46. Letter of Mr. R. Qaike, Police Conumssioner, Calcutta, to Mr. Kerr, 



for Balasore on the same date, whence he went to 
Kaptipada, staying with Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee 
tor two days, and then he returned to Balasore to spend 
the night at the Dak Bungalow and to catch the 
Calcutta-bound mail next morning.^" This information 
is corroborated by the I. B. Records of the Govern- 
ment of West Bengal which slate thus: “Local evidence 
was obtained -of the arrival of a Bengali, whose descrip- 
tion tallied with that of Martin from Madras on 17th 
June and of his having stayed at the Balasore Dak 
Bungalow, the room having been engaged by Saileswar, 
who had taken him on to the emporinm. This man 
was undoubtedly both White the sender of the telegram 
to Jadugopal and Martin the bearer of the draft, which 
he failed to cash on 15th June at Madras”.** 

Naren Bhattacharya brought from Batavia not 
merely a draft of Rs. 18,000 but also a large number 
of golden mohurs in a bag which he exchanged for 
cash mainly with the wife of K. P. Bose, the 
famous Bengali mathematician.*® As to the draft we 
may observe that Naren Bhattacharya transferred it 
to Amarendra Nath Chatterjec who applied to the 
National Bank, Calcutta, on June 28 for the collection 
of the draft in his full signature and address. “The 
actual draft which was presented was obtained from 
Madras and is in the name of C. A. Martin, Esq., or 
bearer. It is drawn on the National Bank of India, 
Madras, by the Nederlandsche Handel-Maatschappy 

the Chief Secretary to the Government of Bengal, dated September 
9, 1915. 

47. N. K. Kar's MSS. Nalini Kanta Kar as a resident at Kaptipada 
spent two days with Naren Bhattacharya at that place and then 
accompanied him to Balasore and spent the night with him at the 

. Dak Bungalow. 

48. The coiifidential police report on the CamecHcms With ^ The 
Revoluti/mary Orf^^isation In Bihar And Orissa 1906-16, p. 48. 

49. The MSS. of N K. Kar and also the writer's interviews with Ito. 
Sri Kar himseif saw those mohurs at Kai>tipada and later leamt 
about their exchange (or at least a portion of them) fromi his 
cousin sister, the wife of the late K. P. Bose. 



for the amount of Rs. 18,292-10-10 and is dated Medan,. 
8lh June, 1915”.®“ After the presentation of the draft 
in the Calcutta National Bank, it was sent to Madtas 
for collection, and on the receipt of a warrant for 
payment at Calcutta on July 6, 'the money was ultimately 
paid to Amar Chatterjee on July 7 , 1915. Mr. Denham 
reports: “The money was paid in fifteen notes of 

Rs. 1000 ( 37172-86) ; thirty notes of Rs. 100 

( 17815-244) ; twenty-four notes of Rs. 10 and 

Rs. 6-14-10 in c?sh”.®^ 

A fourth financial transaction ' was finalised 
between Calcutta and Batavia, but, unfortunately, the 
money could not be realized on account of the sudden 
raid by the police of Harry & Sons on August 7, 1915 
and the consequent arrests of Hari Kumar Chakravarty, 
Makhan Lai Chakravarty and Shyam Sundar Bose. 
On the receipt of a wire from Harry & Sons, dated 
August 5, 1915 for 10,000 bags of sugar (in other 
words, Rs. 10,000), Mr. Chotirmull from Batavia 
telegraphically informed Harry & Sons on August 14, 
1915 about 'the remittance of Rs. 9, 670 to the 
Chartered Bank, Calcutta. On the same date the 
Chartered Bank of Batavia sent another wire to the 
Chartered Bank, Calcutta, instructing the latter to pay 

SO. Mr. Denham’s Note on Further Enquiry re the Draft encashed 
at the National Bank by A. N. Chatterjee, dated September 2, 

Sh Mr. Denham’s Note on Financial Transactions^dated August 1915. 
In Bharater Sm^hmaar Itihas, a Bengali M^ lying at present 
in the custody of his family at Uttarpara, Amarendra Nath 
Qiatterjee has ^nongly stated that he c^ed the draft at the 
Allahabad Bank. Amar Chatterjee, however, writes that a portion 
of this money was paid by him to Sudhangsu Bhusan Mukherjee 
who had hitherto ^nt a lot of money for revolutionary work 
through the Sramajibi Samabaya (p. 47) . Besides, as Mr. Denham 
states: "It is «^ficant that one of the thousand rupee notes 
paid to Amarendra Nath is undoubtedly that given by Benoy Datta 
to his 'brother Haii Anukui Datta of die Calcutta Camera 




to Harry & Sons “Ninety six hundred repees”.*® Thus 
out of Ae total sum of Rs. 42,892 remitted by the 
Germans to the Bengal revolutionaries, Rs. 31,546 were 
actually received by them, and not Rs. 33,000 as stated 
in the Sedition Committee Report (p. 82). 

THE Maverick episode 

The prospect of the arrival of a shi|>-load of arms 
to India purchased with German money and sent by 
German agents from America under orders from the 
German Foreigfn Office,®* g^ve a new; dimension to the 
Indian revolutionary activities. 

Hans Tauscher of the Krupp Agency, New York, 
under instructions from Captain Franz Von Papen, 
the military attache of the German Embassy at 
Washing^ton, purchased ten carloads of arms and 
ammunition in January, 1915, ostensibly for a Mexican 
port, but really for shipment to India.®* These were 
.shipped to the Annie Larsen, chartered from Olson & 
Mahony in San Francisco, at the Californian port of 
San Diego, “from which port she sailed on March 6, 

52. See the list of telegrams found in Check Office, Singapore or 
Calcatta, during this period in File No. 921/1915 in the I. B. 
Records of the Govt, of West Bengal. 

53^ ‘^Cablegrams sent by Alfred Zinunermann. the head of the German 
Fordgn Office, -which -were transmitted to Count Von Luxburg, 
former German charge in Argentina, biy the Swedish legation, and 
by him sent to Ambassador Von Bemstorff at Wa^ington, D.C., 
directly connect Germany with the Hindu conspiracy and show 
that the entire project was financed by Von Bemstorff in this 
country on direct orders from ZiminiBrmann”^Vide the bound 
volume containing clippungs from vaiiouB American newspapers of 
1917-18 on Indo-German oanspiracy, presented to the National 
Library, Calcutta, by Dr. Chandra K^ta Chakravarty (p. 24,). 
As the clippings are not properly arranged, the exact names and 
dates of the newspapers are not easy to ascertain. The newspaijers 
referred to, however, comprise San Francisco Call, San Ftamasco 
San Francisco Chronicle^ Nem York World etc. 

54. Vide the article by Kalyan Kumar Banerjee on IndoGerman 
Con^racy P>^lished in the Modem Review for August, 1965. 
The ^ditt&n CommXtee Report, 1918, puts the figures erf arms and 
ammunition at “30,000 rifles with 400 rounds of ammunition each 
and 2 lakhs of rupees” (p. 82), while Mr. Kalyan Banerjee puts it 
at eight thousand rifles and four million cartridges. * 



1915, with P. H. Schluter as captain and W. A. Page 
as super-cargo”.®® 

The Amie Larsen “went first to Socorro Island, 
oflE Mexico, where she waited for about 3 weeks for 
the arrival of the Maverick to which it was to transfer 
her cargo for shipment to India”. But running short 
of fresh water and provisions, the Annie Larsen 
wandered about until it reached after more than a 
month the port of Hoquiam, Washington, where it 
was seized by the U. S. Government with her cargo 
of arms and ammunition. The ship was then termed 
a “mystery ship”.®® 

Meanwhile, another ship, the Maverick, an obsolete 
oil tanker was purchased from the Standard Oil Com- 
pany of San Francisco on March 16, 1915 by John L. 
Craig, a millionaire Long Beach ship-builder with 
German funds supplied to him by Fred Jebson. The 
ship was then taken to Long Beach, where it was 
repaired, $27,000 being sent to Craig to pay for the 
repairs by the German Consulate at San Francisco. 
The next step was the organization of the Maverick 
Steamship Company by Ray Howard, a Los Angels 
attorney, at the request of Jebson, who practically ran 
the German Consulate at San Francisco.®'^ 

Having been provided with funds and supplies 
both for herself and the Annie Larsen, the Maverick 
sailed from San Pedro, near Los Angels, in California 
on April 23, 1915 with a young American Starr-Hunt 
as its super-cargo.®® 

“The personnel on board”, writes Mr, Ker, “con- 

55. For the version of Mr, Preston, the United States District Attorney 
in the San Francisco Trial of 1917-18, as reported in American 
newspapers see C. K. Chakravarty's bound volume (p. 29) in the 
National Library, Calcutta. 

Mr. Kalyan Kumar Banerjee, howevier, writes in has essay that 
the Anme Larsen sailed from San Diego on M^ch 8, 1915. 

56. JWd, p. 29 — ^Version of Mr. Preston in the San Francisco Trial. 

57. Ibid, p. 30, 

58. K. Banerjee’s artide in the Modern Revtm for August, 1965. 



isisted of 25 officers and crew, a passenger named B. 
Miller who said he was a Swedish engineer but appeared 
to be a German, and five natives of India who called 
themselves Persians and were signed on as waiters”. 
According to Starr-Hunt, who received instructions 
from Fred Jebson, the master mind behind the Maverick 
plot and who himself typed them in German, the 
Maverick was to steam from San Pedro via San Jose 
del Cabo to Socorro Island where it was to receive the 
ai ms and ammunition from the Annie Larsen and then 
to proceed to Anjer, Java, with its cargo of arms. 

“The rifles, machine guns and other arms were 
to be placed in an empty oil tank and flooded over with 
oil. The ammunition was to be placed in an empty 
tank, but not flooded unless the Maverick was over- 
hauled by an enemy cruiser. In the event of being 
slopped by enemy cruisers and the cargo discovered the 
bilges of the steamer were to be opened and the vessel 
sunk”. At Anjer, as Starr-Hunt States, a small boat 
flying a certain signal outlined in the instructions 
v;ould meet the Maverick and would govern the future 
movement of the ship and the disposition of the cargo. 
Accordingly, messages were transmitted to Batavia, 
Manila and Honolulu. But if the Maverick failed to- 
meet its guide at this stage, it was to proceed to Bangkok 
where a German pilot would come aboard in a small 
boat and take charge of the steamer and her cargo.®* 
But, unfortunately, at Socorro Island the Maverick 
“learned from 2 castaway sailors of the schooner 
Emma” of the plight of the Annie Larsen and its 
leaving the Mexican coast “thirteen days before”. 
The captain of the Maverick “received a note to the same 
efltect, left for him by the supercargo of the Annie 
Larsen, asking him to await her return’’.®* Accordingly, 

59. Evidence of Starr-Hunt in the San Frandsco Trial, as reported 
in Americ.dn newspapers of 1917-16 — Vide the bound volume of 
C. K. Chakravarty (p. 51). 

60. J. C. Ker: Political Trouble In India: 1907-1917 


the Maverick waited for aboiit a month in vain in 
expectation of meeting the Annie Larsen, then pro- 
ceeded to Hilo, Hawii, under instructions from Jebson’s 
office*^ after having destroyed all the revolutionary 
literature it carried in the engine room. The Maverick 
reached Hilo about June 14, 1915 and “received from 
the captain, of a German ship orders to proceed to 
Johnson Island, a remote spot of South-West of Hawii, 
and there await the Anme Larsen”. But as the plot 
leaked out in the local press, it appears that the original 
plan was abandoned at this point, and after a stay of 
a fortnight the Maverick was ordered to proceed on 
her voyage to Anjer, Java, touching at Johnson Island 
as arranged, but withbut any hope of meeting the 
Annie Ijirsen.'^- The Maverick reached Java on July 
20, 1915, lay for some time outside Tandjong Priole, 
Batavian harbour, in July, 1915 until it roused suspicion 
and it was seized by the Dutch warships. 


According to official plan, the Maverick was to 
ship off the expected arms ami ammunition at 
the Indian port of Karachi (now in West Pakistan), 
but thanks to Narendra Nath Bhattacharya’s diplo- 
matic bargain with Theodore Helfferich at Batavia, it 
was arranged to unload the cargo at Raimangal in 
Bengal which was a very suitable site for the aforesaid' 
transaction. “The Commander-in-Chief of the China 
Station”, as the Intelligence Branch Records of the 

61. Miss Sue Qark, Secretary of Fred Jebson,* was recalled as a 
witness in the San Francisco Trial. “She testified that when 
Captain H. C. Nelson telephoned from San Diego to Jebson’s 
office asking for instructions for the Meverick after the return 
fromi Sodorro Islands, where it had failed to meet the Amde 
Larsen, die went to E. H. Von Schack, German Vice-Consul for 
instructions, Jebson having left the city. 

“Von Sdiack, she stated, told her to tell Captain Nelson to 
go to Hilo, where he would receive further orders” — Vide C. K. 
Chakravarty’s bound volume, p. 24. 

62. J. C. Ker: PclHicid Tr^le In Ind^: 1907-1917. 



Government of West Bengal affirm, “has sent up from 
Singapore a reproduction of the tracing of the mouths 
of the Hooghl}^ found on the German Secret Service 
Agent arrested at Singapore. This tracing 'shows the 
Sundarbans from the Cuttack coast practically to the 
Meg^a and gives the position of Calcutta and the rail- 
ways along the Cuttack coast and to Diamond Harbour 
and Canning. On the original tracing were found two 
pin pricks. Of these one marked the North point of 
the island which we now know as ‘Raimangal Island’, 
and the other the North point of Dalhousie Island in 
tlie Matla River’’.®* • 

This information gathered from Singapore was 
corroborated by the Batavian information also, on the 
basis of which Mr. Cleveland, the Director of Criminal 
Intelligence, Government of India, wrote as follows on 
July 31, 1915: “I yesterday by means of a cipher 
telegram to Denham informed him and the Calcutta 
authorities that our information from Batavia was to 
the effect that the arms were to be landed at a point in 
the Sundarbans, some 60 or 70 miles from Canning 

Thus the Bengal revolutionaries selected Raimangal, 
a place both navigable and unprotected, for landing the 
cargo of arms carried by the Maverick in India, and 
pursuaded the Germans at Batavia to act accordingly 
mainly through the mediation of Martin alias Narendra 
Nath Bhattacharya. When every preparation was 
completed at Batavia, two telegrams were despatched 
by Atmaram from Bangkok, dated June 13 and June 
17, 1915, addressed to B. K. Roy at 159 Bowbazar 
Street, Calcutta, and to Bhola Nath Chatterjee at 62, 

63. The File No. 921/1915 of the I. B. Records of the Govt, of 
West Bengal. 

64. The letter of Mr. Cleveland, Director of Criminal Intelligence,. 
Delhi, to Mr. Hughcs-Buller, the Inspector General of Police, 
Calcutta, dated Simla, July 31, 1915. 


Beniatola Street, Calcutta, respectively. The telegrams 
were worded thus: 

(1) “Goods already despatched. Reach in 10 

or 15 days” and 

(2) “Ivory and sandalwood already despatched. 

Reach in 10 days”.*® 

On the receipt of this hopeful message from' 
Bangkok the Bengal revolutionaries were up and doing 
in making the fullest use of the opportunities available. 
Meanwhile, Naren Bhattacharya also had reached 
Calcutta (June, 1915) to deliver the message personally 
and to play his assigned role in the contemplated rising 
with the help of German arms. As Jyotin Mukherjee 
was then in his Kaptipada hideout, the general plan of 
the rising was framed by Jadugopal Mukherjee in 
collaboration with Naren Bhattacharya, who on their 
turn were in constant communication with Jyotin 
Mukherjee for advice and direction, Kumud Nath 
Mukherjee, a Bangkok pleader, was also sent to 
Calcutta by the Ghadr conspirators in Siam, to convey 
a message as well as a purse. According to Mr. Ker, he 
set out on June 18, 1915 “with a sum of 2,200 ticals 
(about fl65) supplied by Shiv Dayal Kapur” and 
arrived at Calcutta on July 3, 1915. He met the leaders 
including Jadugopal Mukherjee and Narendra Nath 
Bhattacharya, and left Calcutta for Batavia £n rout^e 
to Bangkok on July 24, 1915 to deliver to Helfferich “a 
message explaining the wants of the Indian party in 
the way of rifles and trained German help”.®® 

65. The File No. 921/1915 of the I. B. Records, 6ovt. of West Bengal. 

66. J. C. Ker: Political Trouble In India'. 1907-1917. Kimud NaiA 
Mukherjee was provided with a hundred-rupee note as his 
passage ntoney out of the Batavian draft encashed by Amarendia 
Nath Chatterjee. He had met Martin at Batavia bdore he left 
for Banging According to Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee, Kumud 
Nath sent a copy of the Penang Times describing the tragedy of 
the Maverick to the Qilcutta leaders. The relevant cutting from 
this paper, sent by Jadugopal to .Tyotin Mukherjee at Kaptjpada 
was discovered by the Pcrfice during their seardi at the Kaptipada 
house of Jyotin Mukherjee. ' 


The general pdan of upsurge followed the line of 
guerilla warfare and comprised the following items : 

(1) Rising would take place in the villages where 
independence would l>e declared and tri-coloured flags 

(2) Starting from the villages, off Balasore, die 
Rising would proceed towards the coast of the Bay of 
Bengal and direct its attack on the military barracks at 
the Chandipur village. 

(3) Looting of the armoury at Chakradharpur was 
the next target. For this a shop had already been opened 
at Chakradharjmr by Bhola Nath Chatterjee under 
Jadugopal’s direction. 

(4) After inciting the Kols into revolt in the 
Singhbhum <ltstrict, the Rising would proceed towards 
Midnapore and Birbhum districts where Satis Chakra- 
varty was stationed to blow off the bridge on the 
Ajay river. 

(5) The blowing off of the B. N. Railway was the 
next item for which Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee was 

(6) To attack the Fort William and to unfurl 
there the tri-coloured flag of “Free India” was perhaps 
the most important object of the Rising.®’' 

In the preparatory stage of the armed rising a 
centre was opened at Khidcrpore through the instru- 
mentality of Durgacharan Bose and Ashutosh Ghose, 
both being school masters of Khiderpore. In that centre 
light-signalling, flag-signalling, telegraphy, code- 
making etc. were regularly practised for some time.®® 
Even tri-coloured flags (Green, White and Yellow) and 
Khaki uniforms (shorts and shirts) were kept ready 

67. Jadugopal Mukherjee: Bipiabi Jibaner Smiti, pp. 399-400. Also 
see uie MSS ul Amarendra Nath Chatterjee, p. 47. 

6S. N. K. Kars MSS and the vriteTs interview with Jadugopal 



for the purpose. Dynamites were also secured for 
blowing off railway bridges.®® 

The Sedition Committee Report of 1918 also con- 
firms the above plan of revolution outlined by the 
leaders. The Report states the following: “They con- 
sidered that they were numerically strong enough to 
deal with the troops in Bengal, but they feared rein- 
forcements from outside. With this idea in view they 
decided to hold up the three main railways into Bengal 
by blowing up the principal bridges. Jatindra was to 
deal with the Madras railway from Balasore, Bhola 
Nath Chatterjcc was sent to Chakradharpur to 
take charge of the Bengal-Nagj^ur Railway, while 
Satis Chakravarly was to go to Ajay and blow up the 
bridge on the East Indian Railway. Naren Chaudhuri 
and Phanindra Chakravarty were told oft to go to Ha'tia 
where a force was to collect, first, to obtain control of 
the Eastern Bengal districts, and then to march on to 
Calcutta. The Calcutta party, under Naren Bhatta- 
charji and Bipin Canguli, were first to take possession 
of all 'the arms and arsenals around Calcutta, then to 
take F'ort William, and afterwards to sack the town of 
Calcutta” (pp. 82-83). 

Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee as the gttiding spirit of 
'the movement on the Bengal front laid si)ecial emphasis 
on the storming of the Fort William which stood as the 
symbol of alien domination. Although not unaware of 
the weaknesses of the Indian revolutionary movement, 
yet he was hopeful that the revolutionary upsurge once 
started would take its own course if there was a sus- 
taining vitality in the movement.’® 

69. According to Sri Jatindra Lochan Mitra, who was entrusted with 
the responability of making uniforms, about 1000 Khcki uniforms 
were got ready and distrilmted in four centres, viz., Beadon Row, 
Abinas Mitra Laite, Khideipare and Abinas Kabiraj Street. 
Benoy Datta was in charge of making flags. 

-70. Such feelings were expres^ by Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee to 
Narendra Nath Bhattacharya who visited Kaptipada from 
Calcutta twice during this period (June- July 1915), once acoonr- 



In order to make a successful raid on the Fort 
William a preliminary attempt was made to seduce the 
troops at the Fort. One Mansha Singh was contacted 
for the purpose as mentioned by Dr. Jadugopal 
Mukherjee. A corroboration of this point is also pro- 
vided in contemporary police reports an extract from 
which is quoted below: 

“An interesting off-shoot of the gun-running cons- 
piracy was discovered in connection with this place,, 
viz., an attempt to seduce sepoys of the Rajputs, then 
stationed at Fort William. Mansha Singh, an Indian 
officer of this regiment, was accosted* by one Bharat 
Singh, who worked in a shop in Watganj Street, and 
was asked to join in a plot against the British Raj. 
Mansha Singh went to Khiderpore and was introduced 
to two Bengalis in an empty shop and was asked to 
go up to the Punjab and lecture to and seduce troops 
up there and to let them know about the expected ar- 
rival of arms and ammunition. Under instructions 
from his superiors to whom he reported this incident, 
this officer kept up the connection and introduced a 
havildar as a trustworthy fellow, and himself actually 
went up-country as a lecturer.”^^ 

Next, three places were selected for the distribu- 
tion of smuggled arms after they would l>e received at 
Raimangal in the Sundarbans. These were Hatia (in 
Sandwip), Calcutta, and Balasore. From Hatia arms 
would be distributed in ’East Bengal where risings 
would be organized in collaboration with the Dacca 
Anusilan men; from Calcutta, they would be distri- 
buted in West and North Bengal, and from Balasore 
in Orissa. 

A group of men was then sent to the Sundarbans 

panied by Jadugopal Mukherjee and ag^n by PhMin^a Naft 
Chakravarty, ^or discussion with Jyotindra Nath about the 
prospective Indian revolution. ^ 

71. The oonfidenitial booklist entitled Cimn€cttaits With 

ti<nutry Orgi^^nizotion In Bihor & Orissa^ 1906-1916 p. 62, Sec. 114.. 


where Jadugopal Mukherjee with the help of a local 
Zemindar arranged to unload the Maverick. These 
men included Aswini Lai Roy, Hari Kumar Chakra- 
varty, Dr. Jatindra Nath Ghosal, Satis Chakra varty 
and Raja Jatin Roy of Nurnagar (Khulna). But with 
all this preparation the contemplated rising could not 
be carried through. In July, 1915 the revolutionaries 
in Calcutta received the disappointing news about the 
Maverick plot. It meant frustration of the very 
scheme of the second Indian revolution. But this was 
not the whole of the story. What added poignancy to 
the tragedy wa.. the failure of the American Schooner 
Hen'hy S to carry arms from Manila to Bengal under 
instruction from Heramba Lai Gupta who was in 
Chicago at that time. The Schooner with two German- 
Americans, Wehdc and Boehm, on board cleared from 
Manila about July 14, 1915 with a cargo of 5000 
revolvers but was detected by the Customs authorities 
whereupon it had to surrender the cargo. It had been 
arranged that the Henry S would first go to Bangkok 
where “500 revolvers were to be taken off” for use in 
the prospective revolt in the Siam-Burma border, and 
proceed with the rest towards Chittagong. Dhirendra 
Nath Sen, an Indian revolutionary, was on board this 
Schooner. The principal object of H. L. Gupta was 
to arrange military training of Indians in Burma by 
Boehm who was a military man, and for this he 
arranged for the payment of $ 1500 to him by the 
Carman Consulate in America.'^® 

A further tragedy befell the , Bengal revolu- 
tionaries when on August 7, 1915 the office of Harry 
& Sons at 41 Clive Street, Calcutta, was raided by the 
Police, resulting in the arrest of Hari Kumar Chakra- 
varty as well as of his brother and his clerk. Narendra 
Nath Bhattacharya decided to revisit Java to try again 

72. The statement of George Paul Boehmi, dated November 17, 1915* 
Also see Ker's Political Tr^wble In India: 1907-1917, 



the fortune of ithe Bengal revolutionaries and sailed 
from India (August 15, 1915) accompanied by 
Phanindra Nath Chakravarty alias William Arthur 
Payne.''® Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee was not much in 
favour of this move at this stage, for he believed that 
“the country’s salvation is not from without but from 
within”.''^ But this did not mean that he was blind to 
the importance of foreign assistance in the promotion 
of India’s Independence. What he really wanted to 
drive home was the great truth that the building up of 
a big internal organization commensurate with the 
great task ahead was the first essential preliminary step 
tc success. The organizational weaknesses of the 
Bengal revolutionaries did not pass unnoticed by the 
British (Government of India whose attitude to the 
revolutionary organization is summed up in the follow- 
ing comment of Mr. Cleveland, the Director of Criminal 
Intelligence, Delhi: 

73. This time Narendra Nath Bhattacharya received cold reception 
both from Theodore Helfferich of the Behn Meyers Company and 
the German Consul at Batavia. He therefore sent Phani 
Chakravarty to Shanghai to meet the German Consul-General, 
but his mission ended in failure due to his arrest there. Naren 
Bhattacharya, after trying his luck in the Far East for nearly 
a year went to San Francisco in June, 1916, about which the 
local Daily News, published from San Francisco, dated June 15, 
1916, contained the following paragraph: 

“When the Nipjxm Maru touched port today from Hongkong 
it carried a man of mystery. He is Chas. A. Martin, who despite 
his name is a Hindu and a high-caste Brahmin. Martin declared 
that he boarded the boat at a French-Indian port and that he 
is en route to Paris to study. Passengers however, declared that 
he did not board the ship at such a point, and believe him to be 
either a revolutionary leader or an emissary of the British 

M. N. Roy, referring to his landing at San Francisco in the 
summer of 1916, writes the following: “The next morning, news- 
papers carried the banner headline; 'Mysterious Alien Reaches 
America — ^Famous Brahmin Revolutionary or Dangerous German 
Spy*. I decamped from the hotel after a lush breakfast in my 
room aud made for the nearby town of Palo Alto, the seat of 
the University of Standford. There I made the acquaintance of 
Dhangoi^ Mukherjee who . . . advised me to wipe out the past 
and begin as a new man. Accordingly, the same wening, M. N. 
Roy was bom in the campus of Stanford University*’ {memoirs^ 
P. 22). 

74. N. K. Kar*s MSS. 


“The plan of sending arms, & c. to India must 
seem sound to the Germans although we probably see 
the practical difficulties against their being used against 
us more clearly than they do. The Indian revolutionaries 
with their tall talk would probably assure the Germans 
that if the arms could only be got near India they would 
do the rest and on this promise the Germans might 
think the scheme good enough. I do not wish to under- 
rate the Germans’ sense but they have often shown 
that they understand the Indians not so well as we do”.^® 


The most thrilling episode of the attempted Indian 
rising centred round the Balasore fight in which 
Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee faced death like a true hero. 
The police got clues about Jyotindra Nath’s stay at 
Kaptipadd in course of the raid of Harry and Sons in 
Calcutta (August 7, 1915), revealing to them the 
existence of Universal Emporium at Balasore. This 
together with the decipher of the Madras telegram of 
Narendra Nath Bhattacharya to Jadugopal Mukherjee 
in early September, 1915 prompted the police to 
make a search of the Universal Emporium on September 
5, 1915 under the command of Messrs Tegart, Denham 
and Bird. In course of this search “a suspicious letter 
was found on the floor signed ‘Gopal’ which Sailes 
professed to know nothing about, whereas enquiry 
showed that Gopal Babu was well-known in the locality 
as a friend of his who frequently stayed at' his shop 
and that Sailes had also visited Gopal at Kaptipada in 
■the hills of Mourbhanj State 35 miles from Balasore 
where he had land. Denham and Bird accompanied 
by the Collector of Balasore went to Kaptipada on the 
6th instant and saw the Diwan of the State who showed 
them Gop^l Babu’s house about a mile from Kaptipada. 

75. The I. B. Reccmls of the Government of West Bengal. F. N. 




The house was built round three sides of a courtyard, 
•the fourth side being composed of stakes firmly driven 
into the ground forming a high fence. A tree in the 
courtyard showed that it had been used as a target 
presumably for revolver shooting and there was a hole 
in the mud wall made by a bullet which had missed the 
tree. A thorough search of the house was made and 
all the papers were seized in the presence of the local 
Sub-Divisional Officer and the State Police”.’® 

Before we go into the details of the Kaptipada 
search and the results ensuing from it, it is worth while 
to have a clear idea of what Kaptipada' was in relation 
to the revolutionaries. Kedar Nath Chakravarty, 
father of Manindra Nath Chakravarty, was a Police 
Inspector and also a Diwan of Kaptipada, an estate 
under the bigger State of Mourbhanj. Some time 
afterwards Kedar Nath settled down at the village of 
Mahuldiha which he had received from the Raja of 
Kaptipada as “lakhiraj” previous to his dismissal from 
service in 1903. On the death of Kedar Nath (1911), 
his only son MJanindra Nath inherited his father’s 
property and began to live at Mahuldiha. About 1908 
Devi Prasad Roy alias Khuro, an agent of the Hindus- 
than Insurance Co., came to that place along with “one 
or two companions” to Mourbhanj and saw its Raja 
Ram Bhanj, son-in-law of' Keshab Chandra Sen, for 
securing the lease of some land ostensibly for business 
purposes (but really to provide shelter to the revolu- 
tionaries), and the lease of the Sendei jungles in 
Kaptipada was talked of without much progress. Then 
Devi Prasad, connected with Manindra Nath as an 
intimate friend of his brother Girindra Nath and also 
belonging to the same village Dadpur, Nadia, went to 
Mahuldiha and put up with Manindra Nath for a few 

9^ Letter of R Oaike, Police Commissioner, Calcutta, to Mr. Kerr, 
the Chief Secretary to the Government of West Bengal, dated 
Septendier 9, 1915. 


days before he left. It was here that Nalini Kanta 
Kar, an absconder after Samsul Alurh’s murder, was 
sent with Gunin Ghose fh 1910.^^ 

Mahuldiha for its suitability for hiding and secret 
activities was again selected for absconder Jyotin 
Mukherjee who lived there along with Chittapriya from 
March, 1915, reinforced by Manoranjan and Niren in 
April, and by Jyotish Pal in August, 1915. Nalini 
Kanta Kar alias Gopal Roy, a supervising agent for 
Jyotindra Nath, also lived at Mahuldiha throughout 
'the period save the few days he had to spend at Balasore 
or Calcutta. About the settlement of Jyotindra Nath 
at Mahuldiha the Police Reports slate the following: 

“(k»pal Chandra Roy, however, turned up again 
in Mahuldiha in February, 1915 (actually March, 
1915), bringing with him a man he introduced as 
Bhabataran Roy of Calcutta, and said they wanted to 
open a grocer’s shop and cultivate land. Money was 
advanced to Manindra for the erection of a house on 
land 'they arranged to lease from him, in the bogus 
name of one Keshab Chandra Mukherjee. They then 
left (actually Bhabataran only left) the place, return- 
ing a fortnight later with one Ramananda Swami, 
who settled down there. Subsequently other houses 
were built and four other men passing under the names 
of Kalidas Roy, Sambhu Roy, Jogananda Roy aijd 
Probodh Roy came and settled there also. They all 
professed to be karmacharyas of Keshab Chandra 
Mukherjee, who, they alleged, had extensive business 
in tondon, which being dull on account of the war, had 
resulted in their being sent out to open shops and 
cultivate land at Kaptipada and other places, on an 
extensive scale. They purchased and took lease of land 

77. N. K Kar*s MSS. It is here recorded that after he had spent 
a few months at Mahuldiha, he was there joined by Satis Sarkar. 
Nalini Kanta returned to Calcutta as an absconder probably at 
the end cf 1910, while Satis Sarkar stayed on there until the 
withdrawal of the warrant in 1911. 



in the neighbouring villages and also at Taldiha, 20 
miles off. They were frequently visited by Gopal Roy, 
Bhabataran and one Ananda* Mohan Roy, the first- 
named apparently supplying the money. Very little 
cultivation was done, most of the time being spent in 
wrestling and shooting’’.^® 

The same picture has also been presented to us by 
Sri Nalini Kanta Kar who further states that, after 
the news of the police raid at Harry & Sons had been 
flashed in the Calcutta newspapers, the Mahuldiha 
absconders, apprehending police search at Kaptipada, 
at once decided to brave the situation manfully and to 
die, if need be, by offering armed resistance to the 
enemies. They began patroling the pathways of the 
village day and night and soon sent Nirendra and 
Jyotish to the second centre at Taldiha to lessen the 
concentration at the Mahuldiha camp. 

On the night of September 6, 1915, Jyotindra Nath 
Mukherjee was informed by a local man of the 
approaching sound of elephants with the police party 
on their back towards the Kaptipada Dak Bungalow. 
Jyotin Mtikherjee in a flash clearly saw through the 
whole game and hurriedly left with Chittapriya and 
Manoranjan for Taldiha that very night, thus eluding 
the grasp of the police party which raided his house 
the very next morning. Along with his followers he, 
however, returned to his Kaptipada house at night 
under cover of darkness, received some money from 
Manindra Nath,’® and then proceeded to the Balasore 

78. Vide the confidential police report entitled CimHectians With The 
'RevoMicmory Orgomsatian In Bihar & Orissa. 1906-16, p. 52, 
Sec. 94. ObvioxiSy Jyotin Mukherjee adopted the name of 
■Ramananda Swami, and Qiittapriya, Nirendra, Manoranian and' 
Jyotish assumed respectively the idiases of Kalidas, Samibhu, 
Jogananda and Probodh, Bhabataran and Ananda Roy were no 
other clian Naren Bhattacharya and Phani Chakravarty reg>ec- 

79. Durin;g this tune as all funds had been exhausted, Nalini Kar was 
sent by Jyotin Mukhepee from Kaptipada to Calcutta to bring 
back some money. This incident took place about a wedc before, 
the event of SeiAember 9. 1915. 


Station with the fixed resolve to die fighting with the 
enemies if the occasion so demanded. On reaching 
the station Jyotindra Nath and his party, however,, 
changed their plan. They left the railway station and 
moved into a village close by. Tired, weary and 
e.xhausted, they crossed the river Buri Balam on the 
morning of September 9, 1915 with the help of a local 
man. The appearance of strange faces in the village 
naturally roused suspicion among the villagers who 
after gathering together put questions to them regard- 
ing their identity and began to chase them. At this 
stage the absconding party “produced revolvers and 
threatened the crowd, which fell back, but continued 
to follow the gang at a safe distance. One of the party 
then turned and fired two or three shots. As nothing 
happened, two of the bolder villagers drew closer, 
whereupon four of the party fired a volley killing the 
foremost and severely wounding the other”. Jyotindra 
Nath Mukherjee and his party then moved away fast, 
crossed another small rivulet by swimming, and 
ultimately took defensive position behind a high 
ground in a paddy field, he Chasa-Khand or the scene 
of the historic Balasore fight. 

Meanwhile intimation had been sent on behalf of 
the villagers to the police officials at Balasore, and on 
getting the information midway, one road-patrol Sub- 
Inspector, Chintamoni Sahu by name, quickly appeared 
on the scene and mixed with the crowd in ragged dress 
as if he was a begger, and by crossing the rivulet he 
followed the absconders practically ttturoticed. It was 
this man who showed the signal to the paddy field to 
the advancing police party from Balasore. “The 
District Magistrate arrived at the spot shortly after 
and then a party of armed police and the Sergeant of 
the Army Proof Department. The Sub-Inspector with 
the villagers had put up a white flag as a signal and 
thus the armed party soon located their quarry. They 



marched out in open order across the paddy field, and 
were immediately fired on by the fugitives and then a 
regular fight ensued for some 15 or 20 minutes, at the 
end of which two of the Bengalis stood up in surrender 
... it was found that one of them had been shot dead 
and two others were seriously wounded. Three Mauser 
pistols and an automatic Mauser pistol and a quantity 
of cartridges were recovered from them”.*® A more 
direct and detailed repprt of the actual fight is to be 
found in the following D. O. sent by the District 
Magistrate Kilby to the Police Commissioner at 
Calcutta : 

“We have bagged the five Bengalis we were after. 
About 2 or 2-30 this afternoon Khuda Bux arrived at 
my Bungalow and told me that the five Bengalis had 
been spotted, that they had killed one villager and 
woundted another. We promptly got hold of some 
motor cars and proceeded to the scene of action. 
Sergeant Rutherford of the Proof Department went 
with us. We got ‘khubar* of the Bengalis after we 
had crossed the River. We eventually found them 
ensconced in a small patch of jungle in the middle of 
a paddy field. I armed Rutherford with my volunteer 
rifle and took a sporting 303 myself and with armed 
constables we advanced in extended order. The 
Bengalis fired at us with Mauser pistols, but luckily hit 
no one. We then crawled through the paddy and fired 
at them. Rutherford did great execution, the constable 
also fired. After firing on both sides had gone on for 
some time, two men jumped up out of the bushes and 
held up their hands. We went up and found that one 

SO, Vide the oonfidenitial police report entitled Cimnections With The 
Revjfjhaionary Orgon&ation In Bihar & Ortkea, 1906-16 (p. 49» 
Sec. 88). from which scxme relevant passages have been quoted 
by Dr, R. C. Majiuinadar in his History Of The Freedom Movement 
In India, Vol. II, pp. 442-443. 

Also see Hame (Poll.) Proceedings of the Government of 
India, Nos. 48-61, Part A, October, 1915 for Mr. Denham’s and Mr, 
Ryland’s Reports on the Balascre aiGbay. 



man had been shot dead and two others badly wounded. 
The wounded men have been taken to the Hospital and 
are being attended to by the Civil Surgeon, and are being 
xvatched by a Police guard to prevent communication 
with the outside world. The two unwounded men are 
in the thana lock-up under a charge of murder . . . 
One more point; while I had gone off to get beds to 
•carry off the wounded, one of the accused tried to bribe 
a Head Constable to dig up a letter which the party 
had buried under a tree near a tank. Rutherford over- 
heard this part of the conversation and told Khuda Bux, 
who told the Head Constable to agree. Search 
will be made for this letter. Will you communicate the 
•contents of this to Denham and get him to come here 
at once”.®^ Needless to say, the man who died on the 
spot was Chittapriya, the wounded men brought to 
the Balasore hospital were Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee 
and Jyotish Pal, and the men put in the police lock-up 
on charge of murder were Manoranjan and Nirendra. 
Jyotindra Nath breathed his last in hospital on 
September 10, 1915, and Manoranjan and Niren faced 
death by hanging. Jyotish Pal who was under the 
sentence of transportation of life later turned mad and 
■died in the Berhampore jail. The life’s mission of 
Jyotindra Nath was to see the Bengalis fighting with 
arms with their enemies for the freedom of their soil, 
and his death in action put the divine seal on his mission. 
Great and magnificent in life, he appeared greater and 
more magnificent in death, standing out before his 
countrymen as the very symbol of the unconquerable 
spirit of Youth. 

81. The D. O. dated September 9, 1915 from the Magistrate of 
Balasore to the Police Commissioner, Calcutta, as preserved in 
the I. B. Records of the Govt, of West Bengal. The police party 
comprised the District Magistrate of Balasore, the D, I. G. of 
Bihar. Sergeant Ruitherford of the Proof DqjartineiKt of Chandipur, 
and Khuda Bux, the Polioe Gomsir. 



After the death of Jyotindra Nath Mukherjee the 
leadership in the revolutionary camp was assumed by 
Jadugopal Mukherjee and Atul Krishna Ghose. 
Difficult days now came upon the revolutionaries most 
of whom were put under arrest either under the Defence 
of India Act or deported under Regulation III of 1818 
or thrown out of their homes as political absconders 
(1915-16). At this critical juncture in the nation’s life 
that French colony in Bengal, Chandernagore, which 
was only a few miles off from Calcutta, offered a safe 
shelter to the political exiles which, in the words of 
Mr. Tegart, “provides, in its present state, an Alsatia 
for revolutionary fugitives and is an active centre of 
plots directed towards the subversion of British rule in 

Several houses were hired at Chandernagore at this 
stage for the safe dwelling of the revolutionaries, and 
in ordef to give the semblance of family life to these 
houses two pishimas were also manufactured. They 
were called Chota Pishima and Bam Pishima of the 
revolutionaries; the former was related to Amarendra 
Nath Chatterjee while the latter belonged to the village 
of Bhola Nath Chatterjee, and both of them dedicated 
themselves to the revolutionary cause. Ever since 1912 
the Anusilan Samiti had been in constant contact with 
Chandernagore, and during this period some of their 
workers, including Amrita Lai Sarkar, began to live in 
that French colony. After Nalini Kanta Ghose’s flight 
fiom the Dalanda House (now 247 Lower Circular 
Road, Calcutta) along with Probodh Biswas on 
December 23, 1916 and their refuge at Chandernagore, 
a sincere attempt was made by the revolutionaries for 

62. Mr. Tegart's lengthy note (pp. .16) on The Situation In Chmder- 
mgore^ dated Marm 10, 1^7. iTiis note was written by Mr. 
Tegart after his Chandernagore search conducted on December 1^ 


the amalgamation of the Anusilan Samiti with the 
Western Beng^ Party of Tegart’s description. Thanks 
to Jadugopal Mukherjee and Satis Chakravarty, on the 
one hand, and Nalini Kanta Ghose and Vinayak Rao 
Kaple, on the other, a practical amalgamation between 
the Eastern and Western Bengal parties was accom- 
plished, and the united front thus forged did not break 
up until the declaration of amnesty in December, 


During this period the revolutionaries of Bengal 
were put to severe financial strain mainly because of 
the stoppage of the flow of German purse and the close- 
down of the Sratnajibi Samabaya in September, 1915. 
As the number of absconders increased, the shortagfe 
of funds even for their bare maintenance became more 
palpable, thus creating a new problem for the revolu- 
tionaries. In the background of this acute financial 
crisis the Shibpur dacoity in the Nadia district 
(September 30, 1915) was planned and executed under 
the leadership of Narendra Nath Ghose Choudhury of 
the Barisal party in collaboration with the North 
Bengal group. The site was selected by Naren Sarkar 
of North Bengal, and the ‘action’ was carried out by a 
group of men including Satin Sen, Bejoy Mitra, 
Radhika Gang^i, Sanukul Chatterjee, Satyen Bose, 
Bhupen Ghose, Suren Biswas, Nikhil Guha Roy 
(Idilpur), Haren Kavyatirtha and others. The party 
reached their destination at dead of night by rowing a 
big boat from Krishnagore, but after successful opera- 
tion in the house of one Krista Biswas while they were 
escaping wih their booty, they were chased by the 
villagers at day break, which resulted in their encounter 
with the police and the subsequent arrests of- a number 
of them including Naren Ghose Choudhury.** Accord- 

S3. Jadugopal Mukherjee: BMabi Jibaner Smriti, p. 434. 

64. The unpuUiahed Smiti-Katha of Sri Maruranjan Gupta. S(i 
Gupta yna in the intiooite knonrledge of the plm of the 'daomtir' 



ing to the Nixon Report, a sum of Rs, 20,700 was 
looted on this occasion by the bhadndog dacoits who, 
armed with guns and Mausers, killed one constable and 
three persons, while wounding eleven more. But, 
unfortunately, the booty did not come to any use of the 
revolutionaries as it had to be hidden underground dur- 
ing their escape and could not later be recovered by 
them. Besides this, three important political dacoities 
were committed in Calcutta , in 1915 by the Barisal, 
Sylhet and Mymensingh revolutionary groups in which 
Manoranjan Gupta, Deben Choudhury, and Sudhin 
Bose and Durga Prasanna Roy took prominent part 
respectively. The dacoities above mentioned refer to 
the raids conducted (1) at 16 Kansaripara Road, 
Bhowanipore, on November 6, 1915, the loot amounting 
to Rs. 15,000; (2) at SOU Cornwallis Street, on 
November 17, 1915, the loot amounting to Rs. 800; and 
(3) at the Corporation Street on December 2, 1915, the 
loot amounting to Rs. 25,000.®® 

Excepting the first which was committed at mid- 
night, the second and the third dacoities were taxi- 
raids of the Garden Reach and Beliaghata type con- 
ducted in broad day-light. Apart from ihese. incidents, 
two important murders were also committed by these 
revolutionary groups in Calcutta. The first relates to 
the murder of Sub-Inspector Girindra Nath Banerjee 
while sitting in a conference with Satis Banerjee and 
two others at 99, Masjidbari Street, on October 21, 
1915, and the second to that of Sub-Inspector Madhu- 
sudan Bhattacharya at College Street, opposite to 
the Calcutta Medical College, on January 16, 1916. In 
connection with the murder of Girindra Nath 

and "tvas a^iraiting the return of some of the members of the party 
at a house at Nabadwip selected for the purpose where Tribeni 
Sur was living with his family. 

fi5. Index To Notes On Outrages, Vol. VIII, compiled by Mr. J. C. 
Nixon, LC.S., in 1917. Mao see the LB. Records of the Gqyt 
of West Bengal, File Na 795/17, for the details of the incidents. 



Banerjee it requires to be noted that the real target 
of the revolutionaries was Inspector Satis Banerjee who 
had then been investigating the Shibpur dacoity case 
arid who, like Basanta Chatterjee, had already earned 
notoriety to the revolutionaries. These incidents 
demonstrate beyond doubt that even the failures of 
Balasore and Shibpur had not been able to extinguish 
the revolutionary fire in Bengal, 


Since September, 1915, with new responsibilities 
thrust upon the shoulders of the revolutionaries, Atul 
Krishna Ghose set himself earnestly to the work of 
party re-organization and Jadugopal Mukherjee strenu- 
ously strove to forge renewed links with the foreign 
countries. As no news from Martin and Payne (i.e., 
Naren Bhattacharya and Phani Chakravarty) was 
forthcoming, Jadugopal Mukherjee during his abscond- 
age at Chandernagore (September, 1915-January, 1916) 
sent Bhola Nath Chatterjee and Bcnoy Bhusan Datta 
as emissaries with code names and signals to the 
neutral Portuguese settlement at Goa (December 17 , 
1915) to maintain communication with Naren 
Bhattacharya then at Batavia. Another messenger 
Bhupati Majumdar was also sent for America via 
Singapore (December, 1915) to establish contact with 
the Indian revolutionaries in the U.S.A.®'* In 1916, 

86. The interception by the British Government of a code-message from 
Goa to Batavia, dated Decemlher 27. 1915, containing the words 
“How doing. No news. Vexr anxious. B. Chatterton”., led to 
the arrests of Benoy Datta and Bhola Chatterjee at Panjim. With 
reference to this Mr. J. G Ker, the P. A. to the Director of 
Criminal Intelligence for many years, has given us the following 
information: “Chatterjee was caught in the act of trying to 
throw out through the tiles at the hack of the bouse a bundle of 
papers which induded a draft of the telegram and a note of what 
It cost . . . Chatterjee and Dutt made statements admitting their 
part in the oerman plot; the statement of the former was only a 
•orief admission and he promised to give further details, but before 
doii^ 90. on the of January 27th, 1916, be committed 
suidde in the Pocfiia jail where he was confined.” 



Sailen Ghose, another member of the Western Bengal 
Party, fled to America after a warrant of arrest had 
been issued against him. While living in that country 
he cultivated friendship with Miss Agnes Smedley, that 
American lady who for her active support to the cause 
of Indian revolution had to suffer imprisonment for 
four years at the hands of the American Government, 
According to the report published in the New York 
V/orld (March 19, 1918), Sailen Ghose and Miss 
Smedley “are said to have sent messages to Trotzky and 
to the Brazilian Government, urging support for a 
republic in India”. “In the appeal to Twitzky”, reported 
the said newspaper, “written on the diplomatic papers 
of the India Nationalist Party, dated Tagore Castle, 
Calcutta, December 12, 1917, was this: ‘The hand of 
British imperialism is long enough to have several scores 
of Indian revolution isfs arrested in the United States 
on the pretext of violating the neutrality of the 
United States of America by starting a military enter- 
prise from the United States of America to overthrow 
British rule in India. 

‘These Indian revolutionists are threatened with 
deportation from the United States of America so that 
British imperialism will have a fair chance of taking 
vengeance on its enemies by sending them to the 

Sailen Ghose made common cause also with the 
Irish Nationalist leader Eamon De Valera who had 
fled to the U.S.A. after escaping from Lincoln Jail in 
February, 1919 and raised a loan of six million dollars 
for Irish Republican Government. He also joined 
hands with George Freeman, that Irish- American 
gentleman working for many years for the Gaelic 
American and Free Hindusthm^’’ , and begfan to utilise 

Sri Bhupetl ^^jumdar, after he had left Singapore, was also 
arrested on the Pacific near the Indonesian Islands. 

87. The Home I\)litical Proceedings of the Govt, of India^ February 



the Irish Nationalist journal (the Gaelic American) for 
political propaganda in favour of Indian Indepen- 

After the arrests of Benoy Bhusan Datta and Bhola 
Nath Chatter jee, a third messenger was sent by 
Jadugopal Mukherj'ee to the Far East to establish con- 
tact with Naren Bhattacharya in Java, and he was 
Santipada Mukherjee alias Niazullah Khan who came 
from Calcutta to China via Java in 1916. But the 
mounting difficulties before him “gradually wore him 
down and led him to throw up the sponge. Excepting 
Das and Mukhejjee”, writes Mr. Petrie, “the Far East 
was not visited during 1917 by any itinerant conspirator 
of the first rank”.*® 

During this period Indian revolutionaries in the 
Far East, Rash Behari Bose and Narendra Nath 
Bhattacharya in particular, made strenuous attempts at 
arranging fresh shipment of arms U) India with the 
help of the German Consulates in this sector. About 
this move the Sedition Committe Report (pp. 84-85) 
writes the following: 

“There is reason to believe that, when the scheme 
connected with the Maverick failed, the German 
Consul-General at Shanghai arranged to send two other 
ships with arms to the Bay of Bengal, one to Rai 
Mangal and the other to Balasore. The first was to 
carry 20,000 rifles, 8,000,000 cartridges, 2,000 pistols 
and hand grenades and explosives and two lakhs of 
rupees, the other was to carry 10,000 rifles, a million 
cartridges and grenades and explosives.. ‘Martin’, how- 
ever, pointed out to the German Consul at Batavia that 
Rai Mangel was no longer a safe landing-place and sug- 

1916. No. 201: Correspondence from the India Office on the 
subject of the activities of Indian Revolutionaries in the U.S.A. 

88. Jadugopal Mukherjee: BipUtbi Jiban0r Smriti, p. 430. 

S9. The Report on Indian Sedition in the Far Eiast in 1917 by Mr. 
D. Petrie deputed as Intelligence Officer of the Govt of Inffia 
in the Far East in 1916. ‘Das’ here referred to is no other than 
Tarak Nath Das idio had vimted CUna and Japan in 1917, 


gested Hatia was better. The proposed change of 
place was discussed with Helfferich and eventually the 
following plan was evolved : 

“The steamer for Hatia was to come direct from 
' Shanghai and arrive about the end of December. The 
ship for Balasore was to be a German steamer lying in 
a Dutch port and was to pick up a cargo at sea. A third 
steamer, also a war-bound German vessel, was to sail 
to the Andamans shipping a cargo of arms at sea and 
raid Port Blair, pick up anarchists, convicts and men of 
the mutinous Singapore regiment, who it was thought 
were interned there, and then proceed* to Rangoon and 
raid it. To assist the conspirators in Bengal a China- 
man was sent by Heltferich with 66,000 guilders and 
a letter to be delivered to a Bengali at Penang or to 
one of two addresses in Calcutta : he never delivered his 
message for he was arrested at Singapore with the 
money on his person.” 

From the available sources it appears that while 
the venture of the first two ships was connected with 
the work of Rash Behari Bose, the third move was- 
associated with that cf Narendra Nath Bhattacharya. 
In 1943 Rash Behari in his statement entitled Our 
Struggle recalled his earlier revolutionary activities and 
stated: “With the aid of Germany I was able to send 
home two ship-loads of arms and ammunition but 
unfortunately they were confiscated before reaching 
India”. It has already been shown (pp. 141-42) 
Rash Behari came into close touch with the German 
Consul-General at Shanghai and lived in the house of a 
German named Neilson, and that in collaboration with 
Neilson he sent two Chinese to India with arms, who 
were, however, arrested in October, 1915. Narendra 
Nalii Bhattacharya did not go to Shanghai at this stage 
as revealed in his Memoirs. But during his second trip 
Java (Au^st, 1915) he made fresh attempts to send’ 
ships to India zna the Andamans, about which his own* 



version was this : “I made yet another attempt to bring 
help overseas from Indonesia. The plan was to use the 
German ships interned in a port at the northern tip of 
Sumatra, to storm the Andaman Islands and free and 
arm the prisoners there, and land the army of liberation 
on the Orissa coast”.®” 

These efforts did not, however, materialise. 
Having failed in his mission, Martin tried to send 
arms through overland routes into Assam and even 
despatched an emissary from Japan, Bhupati Ghose by 
name, who communicated the message to Jadugopal 
Mukherjee at Mymensingh in 1916. Bhupati Ghose 
also carried some message from Rash Behari Bose in 
Japan.®^ It should also be noted in this connection 
that during 1915-16 political absconders like Amarendra 
Nath Chatterjee, Atul Krishna Ghose, Jadugopal 
Mukherjee, Nalini Kanta Kar, Satis Chakravarty, 
Bejoy Chakravarty alias Vidyabinode, Manmatha Nath 
Biswas etc. had all assembled by this time in Chander- 
nagore, which then grew into the greatest stronghold 
of the revolutionaries for their future activities. Fol- 
lowing the police search in Chandernagore in February, 

1916 Jadugopal Mukherjee and Nalini Kanta Kar left 
that place, and having toured through Calcutta, Barisal, 
Mymensingh and Dacca (February-December, 1916) 
they went -along with Kamini Mohan Ghose (father of 
Surendra Mohan Ghose) and a few joung men of 
Mymensingh, viz., Satis Thakur, Nagen Chakravarty, 
Khitish Bose, Khitish Choudhury etc. to the Assam- 
Bhutan border and lived there until tjie beginning of 

1917 in futile expectation of the arrival of foreign 
arms. Their remotest base was set up in Bhutan. 
Throughout this period the link of communication 

90. Vide Rash Bdiari Boee’a statement entitled "Our Strugi^’* as 
inooiporaited in Rash Behari Basu: His Strueele For Jndiafs 
Independence (p. 222) as 'well as M. N. Roy’s Memoirs (p. 4). 

91. The ' 'writer’s interview 'srith Dr. Jadtt{*opd Mi^erjee. 


between them and their Chandernagore headquarters 
was retained by Nalini Kanta Kar who occasionally 
visited that place. 

Meanwhile, Amar Chatterjee, Atul Ghose and 
Satis Chakravarty who were left behind at Chander- 
nagore took shelter at two houses in Salkia, Howrah. 
On August 4, 1916 when one of those houses was 
surrounded by the police, Atul Ghose and Satis Chakra- 
varty fled in a hurry while two other inmates, Jug^l 
Kishore Datta and Sudhir Shome, offered armed 
resistance before they could be overpowered by the 
police. Referring to Sa'lis Chakravarty who was placed 
a sentry on the roof, Mr. Tegart writes; “This fact 
made it particularly impossible for us to surround the 
house without being discovered, and the jungle at the 
back of 'the house, coupled with the darkness and the 
subsequent rain, greatly facilitated the escape of Satis 
Chakravarty and Atul Ghose”.®® 

Sometime after the flight of Nalini Kanta (ihose 
(the Anusilan Samiti leader) and Probodh Biswas 
from the Dalanda House to Chandernagore (December, 
1916) talks for fresh ‘actions’ were set afoot between 
the Anusilan Samiti men and the followers of Jyotin 
Mukherjee. Jadugopal Mukherjee and Nalini Kanta 
Kar were called back to Chandernagore from Assam 
by Atul Ghose and Amar Chatterjee. While con- 
ferences were still in progress, an important search 
by the British Indian police was conduct!^ at numerous 
houses in Chandernagore on April 21, 1917. The 
absconders were once again scattered far and wide. 
Jadugopal Mukherjee and Nalini Kar fled to Assam 
while Amar Chatterjee followed Nalini Ghose to 
Gauhati and :4ayed there with the Anusilan Samiti 
men until the Gauhati fight of January, 1918. Through- 
out this period Atul Ghose remained in Chandernagore 

92. Mr. Tegart’s Note on Howrali Seerdi, dated 5.8.1916., 



and kept up secret contacts with the party members. 
After some time Jadugopal Mukherjee and Nalini 
Kanta Kar successively went to Purnea, Daijuri (in 
Midnapore) and Balarampore (in Purulia District) 
and being joined by Manmatha Nath Biswas from 
Chandernagore at Purnea, lived absconding lives till 
September, 1921®* when Moti Lai Roy of Chander- 
nagore sent to them the call of release after the 
announcement of the Royal Proclamation made in 
December, 1919. 

Among the other activities of the revolutionaries 
during 1916-17 *may be mentioned the publication of 
seditious leaflets, both in English and Bengali, exhort- 
ing the people to carry on their struggle until Indepen- 
dence was achieved. Of these leaflets, the undermen- 
tioned ones were the most important : 

(1) From the Office of the Director General,. 
Administration Department: Administration Report; 

(2) From the Office of the Director General, 
Indian Revolution Vigilance Depth, Bengal Branch, to- 
the Public in General and Members of Our Camp ; 

(3) A Manifesto of the Indian National Party; 

(4) From Indian National Defence Camp to our 
Patriotic Countrymen: Declaration of Our Policy; 

(5) From the Secretary, Home Department, 
Indian Revolutionary Committee Camp to the Princes" 
and People of India; 

(6) Jugemtar and Somdhya leaflets in Bengali. 

These leaflets were widely distributed in Bengal 

and beyond and sent even to such persons as C. Y. 
Chintamani (Allahabad), Pandit Jagat Narain Vakil’ 
'(Lucknow), Raja of Mahmudabad (Mahmudabad), 
Mr. Mahajani (Akola), Annie Besant (Adyar, 

93. Jadugopal Muklierjee, Nalini Kanta Kar and Manmatha: Nath 
Biswas a short period in Purnea and Daijuri., and lived for 
four years in Balarampore. During the entire period they wore 
M^omedan dresses and were known in BataTampore as Dr.. 
Samsuddin, Gaffur and Mia Bhai respectively. 


TWO Great Indian revim-utionaries 

Madras), A. K. Fazlal Haq (Bengal) under cover of 
a big envelope with cover print of ‘On His Majesty's 
Service’ and bearing the Dharmatala postmark.®* Sri 
Jatindra Lochon Mitra, who was at that time in charge 
•of such despatches, has informed the writer that the 
big envelopes for the despatch of the leaflets were 
specially printed with cover print of ‘On His Majesty’s 
Service’ and the despatcher’s name in the corner, e.g., 
“Despatcher, Writers’ Building”, “From Registrar, 
High Court, Calcutta”, “Sun Life Insurance Co.”, 
■“Alliance Bank of Simla”, “Port Commissioners, 
Calcutta” etc. These were generally posted in the 
General Post-Office, Calcutta. 

The revolutionaries also used in their transactions 
a seal, the motif of which was taken from the “Cata- 
logue of Maps, published by the Survey of India, 
1912”. Mr. Tegart in course of his search in Chander- 
nagore (December 1, 1916) discovered two well-cut 
brass seals of the revolutionary camp, which, he states, 
“by now are familiar to us, having appeared on several 
letters issued by the revolutionary party”. Mr. Cleve- 
land in his Weekly Report dated December 16, 1916 has 
also referred to these two brass seals of the revolu- 
tionary camp, discovered at Chandernagore, as “cor- 
responding to the impressions which have appeared on 
letters and notifications purporting to be issued by the 
revolutionary party”.®® 

It is worth remembering in this connection that 
many of these leaflets were issued in the name of the 
shadow cabinet of the revolutionaries, which then 

94. The File No. 1605/1917 of the I. B. Records of the Govt, of West 

95. The seals. ‘nere made first in 1913 under the direction of Sri 
Jatindra Lochon Mitra, an eic-memiber of the CSalcutta Anusilan 
Samiti and later a follower of Jyotindra Nath Mukheijee. 
Altogether three seals, two brass and one steel, were made the 
dice of the sted seal being made from the Calcutta mint vrith 
the hdp of goldsmith Nilmohi Roy. .The desto of the seal is 
still to be found in the pages of the Sedition Cotumtiiee Report 
(p. 74). 



existed in their imagination only. The leaflets were so 
written as to give the public an impression as if they 
were the directives of an actual revolutionary Govern- 
ment functioning independently of alien control and 
working from behind the public scene.®® In 1917, when 
the British Government were trying to rally the Indian 
nationalists to the Crown by their customary repres- 
sion-c^m-conciliation policy, the revolutionaries warned 
the countrymen against being trapped by the lures of 
the Commissions which Mr. Montagu, the Secretary 
of State for India, was then dangling before their eyes. 

In this background, the revolutionary leaflet 
addressed to the Princes and People of India (1917) 
deserves special notice. It showed up the hollowness 
of bureaucratic professions, particularly the Montagu 
Mission, and exhorted the people to preserve their faith 
intact in the destiny of their mission. The aforesaid 
leaflet further affirmed : “Let there be no mistake about 
one central and cardinal fact. We are out after 
Independence, Independence Smis Phmse, Independence 
v ithout qualification and reservation and Independence 
in the fullest and completest sense of the word. It is 
irreconcilable with our traditions and our faith that 
India should be an unequal partner in any Federation 
of Nations of which England shall still be the mistress.” 

The revolutionary workers responsible for the 
above leaflets also sent a letter to the American Presi- 
dent Woodrow Wilson through Barrister Subramaniya 
Aiyar during the war period, drawing his attention to 
India’s case for Independence and requesting him to 
help the legitimate cause of India in a true democratic 

It is thus evident that notwithstanding failures 
and reverses coupled with increasing bureaucratic re- 

96. The leaflet entitled Director General, Administratim Deptt: 
Adminsstruthn J^ort published by the Bengal revolutionaries 
during: the Fiirst World! War. 



pression, the political activities of the Bengal revolu- 
tionaries did not cease altogether. But it must be 
admitted at the same time that the revolutionary move- 
ment in India was now flagging on all fronts mainly 
due to the vigorous pursuit of repression-mm-concilia- 
tion policy by the Government. Meanwhile, the inter- 
national background of India’s national movement 
v.'as undergoing rapid changes unfavourably for the 
Indian revolutionaries. The entry of the U. S. A. in 
the World War I in 1917 on the side of the Anglo- 
French Powers followed by the military reverses of 
Germany produced very adverse efl-’ects on India’s 
revolutionary activities, particularly in the U. S. A. 
Under the new political setting the Jugantar absconders 
were compelled to wind up their aOtivities in India 
without bending their neck in servility to authority. 
Referring to them Mr. Dixon, the Bengal D. I. G., 
stated (May 25, 1920) : “A small but dangerous band 
of Jugantar absconders still at large considered capitu- 
lation as a bluff, but finally decided against it. Their 
cry had all along been ‘let us get our men back’, but 
they were as disillusioned as disappointed at the number 
of deserters from the fold”.®'' 

97. File No. 189/1920 in the I. B. Records of the Govt, of West Bengalr 


The Attonnati Samiti And The Mukti Sangha: 
Their Roile In The Murder Op 
Nanda La!l Banerjee 

Pounded about 1897 at the Khelat Chandra Institution in 
Wellington Square, Calcutta, the Attonnati Samiti was at first 
cbiefly concerned with mental and moral culture of the Bengali 
youths ; but shortly afterwards physical culture came to occupy the 
most prominent place in its scheme of work. Ini the nineteenth 
century, the natives of India were very often subjected to un- 
merited oppression and humiliation, particularly at railway stations, 
at the hands of the Feringhis. As the nation was not yet dead,, 
a natural reaction soon set in in order to counter this disgraceful 
state of alFairs. Both Bankim Chandra and Vivekananda had 
adumbrated the cult of Shakti Yoga as the first step to the revival 
of our manhood. With a view to organizing self-defence against 
the Feringhi oppression and other forms of ‘protected hooliganism' 
of the alien bureaucracy, the Attonnati Samiti was brought into 
being. Among the early workers of th,e Samiti may be counted 
such names as Satis Mukherjee (different from Satis Mukherjee 
of the Dawn Society), Nibaran Bhattacharya, Harish Sil^dar, 
Tinkari De,, Indra! Nandy, Bhubaneswar Sen, Rajmohon Das, 
Probhas De, many of whom afterwards won distinction as 
scholars and educationists. Satis Mukherjee later became the 
Principal of the Chittagong College, Nibaran Bhattacharya 
Professor of Physiology in the Presidency College, Tinkari De 
Professor of Chemistry in the Bangabasi College, Probhas De 
Professor of English in the Coochbihar Victoria .College and also 
in Ripon College. After some time the Samiti was enlarged by 
the joining of Bipin Behari Ganguli, Anukul Charijdra Mukherjee, 
Girindra Nath Banerjee^ Ashu Chakravarty, Asesh Mukherjee, 
Ratien Ganguli, Bhuianga Dhar, Krishna Pada Mukherjee, 
Ahindra Nath Chatterjee, Hira Lai Chatterjee and others. 
Physical training was imparted to its members every day. 
Morissieu Lord, a French, was the boxing teacher in the 



■club. As the Samiti was steadily growing in size and activitiesy 
it had to be shifted to the Khdat Chanjdra Branch Institution 
at Bowbazar. By 1906-07 when Sri Satis De, brother of 
Tinkari De^ enrolled himself as a memiber, the Samiti had 
already been functioning at Bowbazar where the senior members 
(Ashu Chakravarty, Probhas De, Rajmohon Das, Bip n Ganguli, 
Asesh Mukherjee, Bhujanga Bhusan Dhar and Indra Nath 
Nandy) gave instruction in lathi-play, sword-play, boxing, wrest- 
ling, swimming etc. to the junior members of the Samiti. 
Besides physical exercises which were held daily, Sunday was 
specially meant for study and discussion in which all the members 
had to participate. Mazzini, Garibaldi, Pratap Singh, Plutarch's 
Li^es of great men and similar themes pertaining to freedom's 
fight of different nations were taken up for discussion, while 
Seeley's famous book, Expansion of England, was taken up for 
critical assessment. Side by side with this physical and intellec- 
tual culture, the Samiti also tried to foster among its members 
the spirit of self-discipline and devotion to duty, and other moral 
virtues. The Gita ideal of Nishkama Karma or selfless work 
was constantly dinned into the ears of its members. The works 
of Vivekananda were also eagerly read in the milieu of the Samiti. 

With the commencement of the Swadeshi Movement in 
1905 which rapidly developed into a national struggle for 
Independence, the Attonnati Samiti came forward to play its 
destined role in the movemient* In 1907, when Mahomedan* 
julum in Jamalpore (Mymensingh district) was rampant, the 
Samiti sent out its armed emissaries for the protection of the 
hearth and home of the Hmdus. The police took exception to 
this measure. Bipin Behari Ganguli and Indra Nath Nandy 
were -bound down under Sec. 109 Cr. P. C.^ 

At about the same time the Samiti formed an inner circle 
which secretly began to cultivate contact with the Manicktola 
band of revolutionaries. This inner group had little faith in 
India's salvation by peaceful and constitutional means; on the 
contrary, they believed in the efficacy of triumph through terror. 
The outer bodv of the Samiti worked openly among the public, 
while the inner body in: the subterranean cliannel without the 

1. See the I. B. Records of the Govt, of West Bengal F. N. 239 of 
1915. Also eee the statement by Indra Nath Nandy as appended 
to Dr. B. N. Datta’s Bharater Dwitiya Swadhinatar Itihas, 


knowledge of the outer body. During the years 1905-10, tire 
Samiti, in the background* of the mounting bureaucratic repres- 
sion, struck its roots deep into the country and spread out 
its branches in different directions, one at the Malanga Lane run 
by Anukul Mukherjee, Girin Banerjee, Kalidas Bose etc., one 
at Taltola Lane led by Biman Ghose, one at Bhowanipur led by 
Srish Roy and Bankim Roy, another at AJambazar, Baranagore, 
eonduct?ed by Khagen Chatterjee and Parbati Mukherjee, and 
still another at Konnagar, Howrah, by Nibaran Mitra. Bipin 
Ganguli, it needs -be emphasized, was the central figure in all 
the branches,^ of Avhich the Malanga branch in particular con- 
centrated itself on the collection; of arms and violent activities. 

In 1907, the ailniversary of the Attonnati Samiti was hel,d 
in the big compound of the Khelat Chandra Branch Institu- 
tion at Bowbazar under the chairmanship of Barrister Jogesh 
Chandra Choudhury. B<mde Mataram was sung as the national 
anthem, and physical exercises such as jiujutsu, lathi-play, 
boxing, big lathi drill etc. were dispbyed by the Samiti members. 
Another important function was the Birastami uisab celebrated 
in the Astami Puja day at the Samiti premises under the 
presidentship of Sarala Devi Choudhurani. Demonstrations of 
boxing, wrestling, lathi-play, sword' play etc. were held by the 
Sam’ti boys. About this time the Attonnati Samiti celebrated also 
the Sivaji utsab in the premises of Raja Subodh Chandra Mallick 
at 12, Wellington Square and demonstratejd many feats of physi- 
cal exercises. A Zemindar of Midnapore presided over the 

Probably in 1909, the Attonnati Samiti was again shifted 
from the Khelat Chandra Branch Institution to 166, Bowbazar 
Street (now the Basumati Sahitya Mandir), the very premises 
where the National College was located at that time. In the 
premises of this building the students of the National College 
celebrated the Durga Puja. While offering their anjalis to the 
goddess a few of the Attonnati Samiti boys cut their br-east with 

2. Information about the genesis and early history of the Attonnati 
Sam’ti has 'oeen derived by the ■writer from Sri Satis De and 
Sri Ranen Ganguli. Also see an article on the 'history of the 
Attonnati revolutionary society by Satis De as published in the 
monthly Basumati Sravm, 12^1 B. S. as ■well as Satis De’s book 
entitled Nishsanga. Incident^ly it may be noted here that Srish 
Roy and Bankim Roy were the nephews of Sir Asutoah Mukherjee. 


knivest besmeared the bUwapatras with their blood aii4 dedicated 
them with vows of sdf-sacrifice in the cause of the ooimtry to 
the feet of the goddess. Sri Satis De was one of those who 
took part in, this self-deidicating ceremony. 

By this time a critical period had set in in the life of 
the Samiti. As an aftermath of the Muzaffarpur bomb outrage 
not merely the -Manicktola Garden House was thoroughly 
ransacked and its important leaders, including Indra Nandy of 
the Attonnati Samiti, imprisoned, but other important samitis 
of the two Bengals were also proclaimed illegal and their 
leaders were either sent to prison or deported by the repressive 
Acts of the Government. As the repressive measures were 
mounting day by day, .the Attonnati Samiti' cut .down its acti- 
vities until it disbaiijded itself outwardly by the beginning of 
1910. What was then left of the Samiti was its secret scheme 
of action from behind the gaze of the public or the agents of 
the alien bureaucracy. 


The Mukti Sangha popularly known as the Bengal Volunteers 
.(a name which it acquired after 1920) was originally brought into 
being at Dacca as a gymnasium by a group of young men led by Sri 
Hem Chandra Ghose as early as 1902. Its roots may be traced to a 
foot-^ball association called Ihe Volimteer Club, organized by Hem 
Ghosie in 1896-97, to which also belonged Ullaskar Datta, son 
of Prof. Dwijadas Daitta of the Dacca College. Deeply impresse|d 
by his contact with Swami Vivekananda who had been to Dacca 
for a fortnight in 1901 for having a dip in the Brahmaputra at 
I^angailbandh on tjie day of the Chaitra S^mkremti and also to 
see the house of Sadhu Nag Mahasay at Deobhog in Narayan- 
ganj, Hem Ghose shortly afterwards collected a band of yotmg 
men and inspired them with the ideal of the Swamiji. The sayings 
of Swami Vivekananda that no big work can be accomplished by 
cheating or forgery and that a country under foreign yoke has no 
religion left deep impression on his youthful mind. Thus 
under the inspiration of Swami Vivekananda, Hem Ghose 
organized a society, Mukti Sangha by name, which was 
wedded to the cult of driving out the British from India 
by any means whatsoever. Among its early members may be 


mentioned Haridas Datta, Sajendra Guha, Srish Pal alias Naren, 
Surendra Bardhan (later* a medical practitioner and political 
organizer in Rangpur), Nillohit Das Gupta, iMaster Alimuddin 
Mian, Sailen Ghosh clias Rabi Ghose, Suresh Roy dias Haridas 
Roy, Bibhuti Bose, Prafui'la Guha and others. The name Mukti 
Sangha was given to the society at its opening ceremony by 
Upadhyay Brahmabandhab who visited Dacca in 1902. On that 
occasion Upadhyay delivered a short speech in Bengali emphasis- 
irig’ before the audience that their first )duty was to deliver the 
country from foreign- yoke, and that that was their only religion. 
The members of the Sangha devoted themselves to study and 
discussion as well as to physical exercises. Hem Ghose, Haridas 
Datta, Master AlimUjddin, Rajen Guha had their training in 
physical exercises at the hands of Paresh Nath Ghose anjd 
Shyama Kanta Banerjee, the two renowned athletes of Bengal of 
the time.3 

The objects of the Mukti Sangha, at first somewhat vague 
and ill-defined, gradually 'became clear aii4 precise after Hem 
Ghose's contact with the Dacca Anusilan Samiti (November, 
1905) through Pulin Das and Naren Sen, the former being his 
elder brother's class-mate and the latter his own. Through the 
instrumentality of Ullaskar • Datta Hem Ghose cultivated contact 
with Barin Ghose also as early as 1903. 

The two major acts of the Mukti Sangha , during 1902-08 
were the Suppression of hooliganism at the railway stations in 
the Dacca district and a showdown w’lth the Mahomedans on 
the Nawabpur Road on the day of Lord Curzon's arrival at 
Dacca (December, 1904) to advocate the cause of Bengal 
Pantition‘ among the people. In the former act the party 
comprising Hem Ghose, Haridas Datta, Nillohit Das Gupta, 
Prafulla Guha etc. often patrolled the railway stations anne4 
with lathis and swords and had frequent encounters with the 
hooligans, as a result of which Hem Ghose had to lives in the 
Thana lock-up as many as seventeen or eighteen times during 
this perio|d. Even a police surveillance was instituted over him 
in 1908 tinder the order of Mr. Salkeld, the District Magistrate 
of Dacca, 

3. Facts about the oripn and devdcpnent of die Mukti Sangha have 
been gleaned, by the imfm from Sri Hem Chandra CSpse and 
Sri Haridas Datta. 


• The second incident centred round a quarrel* between the 
Hindus an,d the Mahomedans on the question of fastening some 
festoons by the Hindus bearing the following slogans: "Long 
Live Curzon”, ^‘Save Us From Separation'*, "Pray Do Not 
Divide Bengal" etc. Sri Hem Ghose has informed the writer 
that on the day previous to Lord Curzon's arrival at Dacca the 
volunteers j)i the Mukti Sangha, under the advice of Ananda 
Chandra Roy and under the leadership of Paresh Nath Ghose, 
had fastened several festpons on the Nawabpur Road leading (to 
the Nawab’s house, Asanmanzil. But ait the instigation of Nawab 
Salimullah of Dacca, his followers covered those festoons with 
salu cloth at night. As soon* as the news ^reached Hem Ghose 
and his party, they hastened to the spot with lathis and swords, 
and a free fight ensued between the two camps which continued 
till the nexit morning when Lord Curzon was proceeding through 
that very route. 


Another overt act of this period was the murder of Nanda 
Lai Banerjce, in. w^hich the hands of both the Mukti Sangha 
and the Attonnati Samiti boys were in operation. The name of 
Insi>ector Nanda Lai Banerjee had acquired extreme notoriety 
to the revolutionaries ^g.f^er his attempted arrest of Prafnlla 
Chaki at the MokamahyStation, for avoiding which Prafulla "blew’’ 
out his brains" by means of his revolver. Prafulla Chaki was 
an associate of Khudiram Bose in the Muzaffarpur bomb out- 
rage (April 30, 1908) and was shadoweid by Nanda Lai Banerjee 
in the train in course of his flight. The sequel of the Muzaffarpur 
incident was the frantic search by the police both in Calcutta and 
in the mofussil, leading to the arrest of a large number of 
persons including Aurobindo Ghose. The Attonnati Samiti, 
which was then spiritually and ideologically linked up with the 
Manicktola centre, decided to avenge it by doing away with the 
life of Nanda Lai Banerjee. 

In 1908, Nanda Lai Banerjee, an intelligent and handsome 
young officer of the Police Department, was putting up for some 
time in Calcutta at the residence of his relative in Serpentine 
I^ne, not far away from the junction of St. J^es Square 
(now Santosh Mitra Park). This information being obtained 



py Probhas Chandra De, a senior member of the Attonnati 
Samiti, from Dr. Cyan Chatterjee (Bholada), a sympathiser of 
the Samiti and neighbour of Nanda Lai's relative, Ranen Ganguli 
was deputed to secure further news about Nanda Lal-'s move- 
ments in Calcutta. Incidemtally, it may be notCid that Ranen 
Ganguli, an employee of the Administrator General of Bengal,, 
resided from November 1, 1908 at the house of his maternal 
uncle in Huzurimal Lane. November 9, 1908, which was a 
Government hcAiday, was fixed for the execution of the plot, 
and Srish Pal (alias Naren) and Ranen Ganguli were entrusted 
with it. Srish Pal, a member of the Mukti Sangha, frequently 

visited Calcutta and maintained intimate .relation with the 

Attonnati Samiti mainly through Harish Sikdar, in whose tiled 
basH opposite to the Dufferin Hospital Srish Pal later on resided. 
Uildfer instruction from Kern Ghose to kill Nan»da Lai Banerjee, 
Srish Pal came to Calcutta and took part in the conspiracy in 
collaboration with .the Attonnati Samiti. 

On November 9, 1908 the leaders, viz., Probhas De, Harish 
Sikdar, Dhiren Chakravarty (a 5th year M. Sc. student),* Ahin 
Chatterjee etc. met at Ranen Ganguli's maternal uncle's house in 
Huzurimal Lane. Soon came Srish Pal alias Naren, a nominee 
of Harish Sikdar, about whom Ranen Ganguli knew nothing 
beforehand, and the leaders provided Srish Pal and Ranen 
Ganguli with two revolvers, and also with two big knives 
besmeared with potassium cyanide secure,d from, the Chm\stry 
Laborator}’^ of the Presidency College by Dhirendra Nath 
Chakravarty. The knives were meant for additional safeguards ; 
if the revolvers miscarried as in the Overtoun Hall incident two 
days earlier, the knives could be used both for offence and def- 
ence. At the appointed hour Ranen and Naren set out and waited 
before .the old Siva temple cracking and taking groundnuts, and 
shortly after finding Nand Lai Banerjee coming out of his house 
they moved forward. It was Naren (Srish Pal) who actually 
killed Nanda Lai just at the south-west comer of St. James 
Park at about 7 P.M. To be sure of the accomplished murder 
Ranen Ganguli also struck the head of the man with his own 

4. Dhirendra Nadi Qiakravarty, a grandson of Ram ChandrEL 
Tarkalaxikar, tos a favourite student of Sir P. C. Ray at the Presi- 
dency CoU^ and lat^jr beqqme Frimpsl qf tim ISipoo-ColkfiQ.^ 


Imiiiediaitely after the incident Ranen Ganguli came home 
to change his dress, and within minutes he went ito a tailor’s shop 
to place an order for a shirt to ensure his alibi and then he went 
to Sir P, C. Ray to whom he narrated the entire story. Be it 
observed here that Sir P. C. Ray was a great sympathiser of the 
cause of the revolutionaries and frequently rendered financial 
help to them. According to Sri Hem Chandra Ghose, Siish Pal, 
after the murder of Nanda Lai Banerjee, went to Harish S'ikdar 
to whom he surrendered his arms. 

On this daring performance the Stdtesman commented as 
follows: *‘The circumstances under which this crime was com- 
mitted disclose a remarkable daring combined yvith diabolical cun- 
ning, and point to the fact that the clever young officer has been 
long marked down and closely watched. 

“Apparently, the whole affair had been well thought out 
and eveiy detail carefully planned. That the assassins were able 
successfully to carry out their nefarious design in a congested 
part of the town 'at a time when there would be a number of 
persons moving about, points to the perpetrators of the crime 
being able to rely, at least, upon^ a safe refuge not far from the 
scene of their crime ; for although the sudden and dastardly attack 
on the unfortunate officer was made at a cross-road, and at 
7 o’ clock in the evening, the miscreants appear to have been 
able to get away confortably”.® 

5. The Statesman, NoveKDlber UX ISOft 




29 August, 1914 

Dear M. 

Before your letter came i.e. 3 resterday, the news was pub- 
lished that the Government had drawn back from its proposal', 
and today the Amrita Bazar with ^ts comment arrived. I pre- 
sume, therefore, no immediate answer from me is needed. But 
in case anything of the kind is raised again, I shall give yoii 
my opinion in the matter. 

We gain nothing by preaching an unconditional loyalty to the 
Government, such as is the fashion now-a-days, or doing anything 
which even in appearance strengthens the discussion towards 
an abject and unmanly love in politics. Gandhi’s loyalism is not 
a pattern for India which is not South Africa, and even Gandhi’s 
loyahsm is corrected by passive resistance. An abject love of 
servility in politics is not '"diplomacy” and is not good politics. 
It does not deceive or disarm the opponent; it does encourage 
ncrvelessness, fear and a cringing cunning in the subject people- 
\Vhat Gandhi has been- attempting in South Africa is to secure 
for Indians the position of kindly treated serfs — as a stepping- 
stone to something better. Loyalty and Ambulance Corps means 
the same thing in India. But the conditions of India are not 
those of South Africa; our position is different and our aim is 
different, not to secure a few privileges, but to create a nation 
of men fit for independence and able to secure and keep it. We 
have tbeen beaten in the first attempt, like every other nation 
similarly circumstanced. That is no reason why the whole people 
should go iback to a condition of abject fear, grovelling loyalty 
and whining complaint. The public Nationalist policy has always 
been: — 

1 . Eventual i ndependence 

2. No co-operation without control 

3. A masculine courage in speech and action 

Let us add a fourth. 

4. Readiness to accept real concessions and pay their just 
price, but no more. 



Beyond that, I do not see the necessity of any change. We 
recognise that immediate independence' is not practicable and we 
are ready to defend the British rule against any foreign nation,, 
for that meam defending our own future independence. 

Therefore, if the Government accepts volunteers or favours, 
the institution of Boy-Soouts, we give our aid, but not to be 
mere stretcher-bearers. This is the side of principle; now let 
us look at that of policy. 

(1) I don’t appreciate Sarat Maharaj’s position. If self- 
sacrifice is the object, every human being has the whole of life 
ar a field for self-sacrifice and does not depend on any Govern- 
ment for that. We can show our sacrificing activities eveiy 
moment, if we want. It is not a question of sacrifice at all, it 
is a question of military training. If the young men wish to- 
organise for charitable work, the Government is ndt going to 
stop it, even though Ithey may watch and suspect. I put that 
aside altogether. 

(Z) The leaders suggested co-operation in return for some 
substantial self-government. They are now offering co-operation 
without any return at all. Very self-sacrificing, but not political. 
If indeed, Government were willing to train thousands of young 
men in military service as volunteers, territorials or boy-scouts, 
whether for keeping the peace or as a reserve in case of mvasion, 
then we need not boggle about the return. But, after so much 
experience, do these addle-headed politicians think the Govern- 
ment. is going to do that except in case of absolute necess’ty and 
as a choice between two evils ? When will that absolute necessity 
come? Only if the war goes again, and then seriously and they 
have to withdraw their troops from India. I shall discuss that 
point later on. 

(3) Meanwhile what have the Government been doing?' 
After testing the temper of the people and, you may be sure, 
W’^atching closely what young men came forward as volunteers and 
who did not, they have removed an offer which had already 
been whittled down to a mere harmless Ambulance Corps in 
which the young men have plenty of chances of getting tilled, but 
none of learning real warfare. Mere common sense warns us- 
not ito trust such an administration and to think ten times before 
accepting its oSgts, We know Lord Hardmge’s policy; (1) sweet 
W'ords, (2) quiet systematic coercictfi, (3) concession where* 


235 ;* 

-obstinacy would mean too great a row and too much creation of 
deep-seated hostility. 

Having prefaced so much, let us look at the utility of the 
things offered us or offered by us. 

1. Ambulanee Corps 

The only possible utilities would be two; (1) to train 
two thousand young men' to 'be steady under fire (2) to train 
them to act together under discipline in an easy but dangerous 
service. Now it is quite p».jssi'ble for us to create courage in our 
young men without these means, and I hope our best men, or 
let me say, our nuen generally do not need to become stretchier- 
bearers in a European War in order to have the necessary 
nerve, courage, steadiness and idiscipline. If therefore an. 
Amibulance Corps is again suggested and accepted, eithier 
refuse or let only those young men go who are enthusiastic, but 
still lightheaded, self-indulgent or undisciplirieid. Possibly, the 
experience may steady and discipline them. It may be neces- 
sary to let this be done, if the circumstances are such that to 
refuse entirely would reflect on our national courage or be 
interpreted as a backing out from a national engagement. 

Boy-Scouts = Volunteer Corps=Territorials. All these are 
entirely good, provided the policies are kept at a distance, and 
provided officers as well as men are trained and the Govern- 
ment control is I'mited to the giving of military discipline in 
the first two cases. Even without the second proviso, any of 
these things would be worth accepting. 

Only in the case of volunteers going to the scene of war,. 
3 -ou must see that we are not crippled by all oni- best men or 
even a majority 'being sent ; only enough to br’ng in an- element 
among us who have 'seen actual warfare. 

I think any of these things may one day Lecome possible. 
Since the last year new forces have come i/ito the world and 
are now strong enough to act, which are likely to alter the 
whole face of the w'orld. The present war is only a beginning, 
not the end. We have to consider what are our chances and 
what we ought to do in these circumstances- 

The war is open to a certain number of broad chances. 

1. Those bringing about the destruction of the two 
Teutonic empires, German and Austrian. 

This may happen either by an immediate German defeat^ 


an4 the enemies being broken and chased back from Belgium 
and Alsaoe-Lorraine to Berlin, which * is not probable, or by 
the Russian arrival at Berlin and a successful French stand 
near Rheims or Compiegne; or by the entry of Italy and the 
remaining 'Balkan states into the war and the invasion of 
Austria-Hungary from two sides. 

II. Those bringing about the weakening or isolation of 
the British power. 

This may be done by the Geirmans destroying the British 
expeditionary force and, entering Paris and dictating terms to 
France while Russia is checked in its march to Berlin by a 
strong Austro-German force opening ini the German quadri- 
lateral between the forts of Danzig, TAom,. Posen and 
Konigsbcrg- If this happens Russia may possibly enter into 
a compact with Germany based on a reconciliation of the three 
Empires and a reversion to the old idea of a simultaneous 
-attack on England and a division of her empire between Germany 
and Russia. ' 

III, Those bringing about the destruction of British power. 

This may happen by the shattering of the British flesh and 

a German landing in England. 

In either of these two last cases an invasion of India by 
Germany, Russia or Japan is only a question of time, and 
England will be unable to resist except by one of those means. 

1. Universal conscription in England and the colonies. 

2. The aid of Japan or some other foreign power. 

3. The aid of the Indian people. 

The first is useless for the defence of India, in case III, 
:and can only be applied in case II, if England is still mistress 
of the seas. The second is dangerous to England herself, 
since the ally who helps, may also covet. The third means the 
concession of self-government to India. 

In case I, there will' only remain four considerable 
pcjwers in Europe and Asia, Russia, France, England, Japan — 
with perhaps, a Balkan Confederacy or Empire as a* fifth. That 
means as the n.xt stage of struggle between England and 
Russia in Asia. There again England is reduced to one of the 
three alternatives of combination' of them. 

Of course, the war may take different turns from the above, 
with slightly altered circumstances and result; the one thing 



that is impossible is /that it should leave the v^orld as it was. 
before. In any case, the question of India must rise at no very 
long date. If England adopts more or less grudgingly the third 
alternative, our opportunity arrives and we must be ready to 
take it — on this basis, continuance of British rule and co-opera- 
tion until we are strong enough to stand by ourselves. If not, 
we must still decide how we are to prepare ourselves, so as 
not to pass from one foreign domination to a worse. 

I want those of you who have the capacity to consider 
the situation as I have described it, to think over it,, 
enlarging our old views which are no longer sufficient, and 
accustom yourselves to act always with these new and larger 
conceptions in your minds. I shall write nothing mysdf about 
my views, just as yet, as that might prevent you from thinking 

Only, two things you will see obviously from it, first, the 
necessity of seizing on any opportunity that arises of organisa- 
tion or military itraindng (not self-sacrificing charity, that has 
already been done) ; secondly, the necessity of creating an 
organisation and finding the means, if no opportunity presents 
itself. It will be necessary for some one from Bengal to come 
and see me before long, but that will probably not be till October 
or later. 

I shall write to you before long further on the subject, as 
also on other matters- 


* Aurobindo Ghose wrote many letters in those days under the nickname 
of ‘Kali* or ‘K*. The addresseie ‘M’ here rders to Moti Lai Roy 
of Ohandemagore. 

TWO GREAT mmm revolutionaries 



Berlin — Chaklottenburg Wielandstr 38 
November 13 , 1918 * 




The following private notes I respectfully forwarid to you 
fcT your kind consideration. The notes come from my personal 
capacity only. 

Yours truly, 
Bhupendranath Datta 

“The war has come to an unexpected and sad conclusion on 
the part of Germany. Peace is going to take place and arms 
are going to be stored up. But none of the both sijdes are going 
tc forget the insults and injuries that each has received at the 
band of the other. 

Wc on our part never 'believe that there will be any lasting 
world peace or a lasting peace between Grermany and Great 
Britain. Great Britain is jealous of Germany and wants to mini 
her politically and economically. The present war has been an 
economic war anjd as long as India remains in the hands of 
Great Britain, the 'latter country would remain as the Mistress 
of the world. This will jeopardise Germany's national develop- 
ment. By and by, Germany will see that Germany wdth her 
teeming millions cannot get a breathing space unless Great Britain 
gets weak and hurled down from her proUjd position. 

But how that is to be achieved? The achievement lies in 
detaching In^a from Great Britain, i.e. India must be set free. 
Injdia always is seething with discontent and there is always a 
natural antipathy betv^een. the British and the Indians. But a 
disarmed India cannot revolt. 

Two things are necessary to bring about a revolution in. 

* A micrafilmed copy of the Ofrg^nal letter is to be found in tha 
National Archives of In<fia. New Delhi. 


India: (1) Organization (Z) Supply of arms. OrganizaJtioni 
prerequisites (a) Men (b) Money. 

Men are available for the purpose but money is lacking, 
^rhe rich men won’t help the revoluidonaries unless and until 
lliey see a complete chance of success on the part of the revolu- 
tionaries. ^ 

Whatever money the Indian revolutionaries get at home they 
spend for the home purpose. But money is necessary for work 
in foreign countries. 

The work insijde the country must be supported from outside. 

The inside work consists in spreading a network of organiza- 
tion all over the land. This organization; should import and 
store arms, make propaganda amongst the masses and the Indian 
soldiers, and they should be in constant communication with the 
workers in the foreign coimtries. 

The money what the Indians raise from home is not enough. 
They must be financed from outside. Besides they must have 
secure means of correspondence with the foreign countries. 

The work from the foreign lands consists in: 

(1) To bring the Indian question tbefore every inter- 

national political organization. 

(2) To make a vigorous propaganda for Irijdia from the 

Press and the Platform. 

(3) To produce and distribute literature on India. 

(4) To form a pro-India party in every country. 

(5) To teach Indians the manufacture of fire-arms. 

(6) To give mil’tary training to the Indians in secrecy. 

(7) To import arms to India. 

These are the main points of work irt order to bring about 
a successful revolution for India. We have already said that 
Great Britain is the perpetual enemy of Germany, and it will be of 
Germany’s interest to see India free. But without a foreign 
help India can never be free. The Indian revolution must be 
financed. ^ 

The English formed and helped the English Balkan Com- 
mittee which brought about the first Balkan War. 

Some German Society and various German gentlemen helped 
the Bulgarian Komibidjis. 

The British helped the young Turks who brought about the 
Turkish revolution. 


A Japanese Syndicate hdped the Chinese revolution. 

The Armenians have been helped by the former Russian 

Further it will be seen from world's history that no nation 
becomes free without the help of another nation. For this reason, 
v/e pray that the German Government wguld consider the pro- 
posal of secretly supporting the Indian revolution. 

If we are assured of the permanent support of the German 
Government, then we can work ini the above mentioneid way. 
We can bring some competent men from India to take charge 
of the various department of the work. 

These men will conduct newspapers ini English, French and 
Gcrmanj as organs of the Indian Nationalist Committee. 

They will represent India in various international Congresses. 

Also, centres are to be formed in Europe, America, Japan, 
China, Turkey, S. E. Africa, Turkestan and Afghanistan. 

There is constant caravan route from central Asia to In,dia 
through Afghanistan and Tibet. Indian merchants are always 
coming out and going to India from- the Mediterranean and S. E. 
African coasts. Literature and news are tO' be smuggled through 
these routes. A small quantity of arms can be sent by that method. 
In case the German Government accedes to help us, then if it is 
possible, our correspondences should be carried through the 
German Consular Service as now. * 

Besides these propaganda works, there remains three more 
important works, i.e., propaganda among the Indian ruling 
Princes an|d Notables, and the supply of arms to India and the 
military training to the Indian revolutionaries. 

If the German Government can see its way of helping the 
Indian nationalist movement, then notable Gennans can be sent 
to India on the ostentatious object of travel and they will meet 
the Indian princes and niotables, and make friendship with them 
and convert them to the revolutionist cause. Of course the Indian 
notables should be given hint of German) support if necessary. 

The Government in conjunction with the Indian' revolution- 
aries have to smuggle arms to India. 

Again, a good many competent young men are secretly to be 
given training in the manufacture of fire-arms and military 

I respectfully request the Government to consider the pro- 



posal of continually supporting the Indian revolutionary move- 
tnent and if the proposal be agreeable to the Gk>veminent then 
ways anfl means be found to make arrangements for the support. 

Bhupendranath Datta 


Kerman (Persia) 
August 3rd, 1915 

My Dear Mr. Freeman, 

I was sorry I could not write you earlier to keep you informed 
of my whereabouts, as I had to stop all correspondence for some 
time. Hoping to be excused. I believe my last letter from 
Constantinople, just on the eve of my depart, had reached you 
all right. Our fond ideas cherished by Har Dlayal and myself 
on the banks of the Bosphorous has not yet come out to be a 
reality; but if this present war lasts for a long time sooner or 
later will my ideas be fulfilled- Har Dayal mysteriously dis- 
appeared from Constantinople for reasons known to him, and I 
had to work single-handed. My travels from Constantinople to 
Kerman by land route was very interesting. I visited Bushire, 
Shiraz, Ispahan, Yezd (C. Persia) as a delegate of the German 
Expeditionary party. I had my days of trouble at Bushire which 
is a zone of British influence. I had to make a midnight flight 
from there. I was there only four days, but kept hidden by 
Persian Nationalists. The Consul and a German doctor went 
arrested and sent over to Bombay as prisoners. 

It was only two months since I had been here. Kerman is 
a province of South-East Persia bordering on Beluchistan. The 
arrival of an: Indian as a German delegate near Beluchistan, the 
British Consul here smells something in it. There is a rumour 
from B. Consulate, both at Ispahan and Kerman, that if the 
German expeditionaiy' party proceeds beyond Kerman they will 
be warmly received by British Indian troops. The German 
Consul, Dr. Erich Zugmayer, arrived here three weeks ago and 



I am helping him to start the Consulate. Persia has entered 
a new life and although the Government at Tehran, influenced 
by Russia and England, or rather bribed by them, remains neutral, 
the people are entirely with the Germans and stand for the war. 
There is a change of Ministry and new Cabinet has just been 
formed, the particulars of which has not yet reached me. This 
new Cabinet is entirely due to German influence. 

I would be leav-ng here very soon. Please send G. A. {Gc^Uc 

American) and other literature Give my hearty salaams to 

Mr. Devoy and other friends of GccKc American and remember 
me k’ndly to our Indian friends. 

Will you please let me know the present situation in Ireland 
and the attitude of the Washington Government in the present 
crisis? I am just writing to Madame Cama and Har Dayal 
after a lapse of 8 months. If you have occasion to write to 
them, ibe good enough to infomi that I am in Persia, for my 
letters may not reach, them. The Postal Service is very irregular 

I am getting on well, hoping you to be the s^e. Excuse 
me again for the delay. With kindest personal regards. 

Hoflichst grussend, 


*The above letter was written by Pramatha Nath Datta, a Bengali 
revolutionairy, under the alias of Dawood Ali Khan, to George Freenian, 
tiie Irish revolutionary then living in America* 

I t 




LiBTTiSR or Viren Chattopadiiyay to President Wiilson, 
October 5, 1918 

Mr. President, 

In the name of the oppressed Indian people vve thank you 
for the principles that you have enunciated in your speech of 
27th September. We hope these principles will be the foundation 
of the future world peace and the safeguards of the weaker 

We, in behalf of the Indian people, appeal for impartial 
justice, for India without bias or prejudice against her on political 
or racial grounds. We demand the same rights as are enjoyed 
by all other civilised nations. Under the oppressive system of 
British Rule India’s normal development is hindered in order 
to serve the material interests of the Brtish nation. Great Britain 
has established her Indian Empire by violating solemn treaties 
and pledges and trampling on the rights of many small nations. 
We point out, that a permanent world peace is impossible so 
long as India and other w'eak nations suffer from injustice. 
Therefore we pray that Ind'a should^ be admitted as a free nation 
in the proposed '"League of Nations” without political or economic 
subordination to Great Britain and that the cause of India should 
be put before the League of Nations and the General Peace 
Congress, which should arrive at a definite agreement with regard 
tc this important question of world-politics. 

We appeal to your sense of justice and we hope that you 
will see that the noble principles enunciated in your speech are 
applied to India. 

, Yours truly 
V. Chattopadhyay 


AbbaSk Mina, 85 
Abhedananda, Swaci, 60 
Acbaria, Trimul, 79, 83 
Acharya Choudhury, Hemendra 

Afa;^ 65 
Aiyar, Balkrishoa '59 
„ , Nagaawami, S9 
„ , Subraioamyai 223 
„ , Vancfai, 59 
„ , V. V. S., 99, 75-76 
Ab, Rajab, 83 
Allan, Chailes W, 93 
Allen, 28 

Alum, Samsul, 170-71, 207 
Amin, Chattunifauij, 74 

Anderscm 20 

Annatrong, J. £., 15, 23, 44 
Ashe; 59 

Atmaiain, 186, 188, 198 
Atri, Mussamat, 125. 129 
Ayerst, 11, 57 

Bagdii, Nalini, 36-7, 56 
Baksh, Karaon, 66 
Bakshi, Haiadhan, 45 
Bal, Saj, 102 
„ , Tara Prasanna, 33 
Ballin, Albercht, 78 
Banerjee; Girii^ra Nath, 225, 227 

L Befaari, Abad, 102, 10007, 111-12. 115,. 

120, 127 
Bernhaidi, 179 

u, 60 Bemstorff, Von, 194 

I, 83 Besant, Annie, 221 

r, Hemendra Bey, Casim, 91 

Kishore, 174 Bhanj, Raja Rmn, 206 
, Surya Kanta, 13Bhattachaiya, AlMneah Chandra, 

12-14, 18, 72. 78. £0 

Jatindia Nath, 9, 11-15, 65, „ , Suren ,213 

„ , Ananda Charan, 126 

„ , Basanta, 33 

„ , Dinesh, 30 

„ , Jogendra Nath, 33-4, 56 

„ , Kedaieswar, 90 

„ , Madhusudan, 214 

„ , Mobini, 36 

„ , Manmohan, 141 

„ , Narendra Nath (M. N. 

Roy), 48, 52. 128, 
144, 185-87, 172-74, 
181-83, 190-92, 197- 
99, 201, 20005, 215, 

„ , Nibaran, 225 

„ , Preo Nath. 123, 126 

„ , Ptobodh, %, 217, 220 

Bbommc, Girindra N^ 168-69 
,, , Mancatha Nath, 169, 172 

Bird, 206 , 

Biswas, Basanta Kumar, 105-09, llli- 

„ , Krista; 213 

„ , Manmatha, 106-06, 123, 133, 
219, 221 

„ , PraMla Kumar, 35, 116; 128 

lOOOl, 164 

Kalyan Kumar, 194-96 
Nandalal, 170 23032 

BMbtreu, Karl, 77 

Boelhm, Geon 
Bose, Atul Cl 

Paul, 203 
idra, 99 

Narendra Nath; 3741, 121 „ , Bqon Bdiaii, 96, 120 
Narendra Nath (Benaires), „ , Benode Befa^ 97 

36 123, 126-27 

„ , Puma Chandra, 100 1 

„ , Sailen, lOO 

„ , Satis, 214-15 

„ , Shyama Kanta, 228 

„ , Tlnaywrie, 56 

„ , U. N., 3739 

Baipat, P. M., 75 
Bardh^ Surendra, 61, 229 
Barkataullah, 601, 67-8. 70 79-80, 

Basak, Bejoy Basanta, 101 

„ , BiUniti, 229 

„ , Dcbabrata, 13, 18 

„ , Durpa Cmuan, 200 - 

„ , Haiipada; 100 

„ , Kali Chsnm, 97 

„ , Kalidas, 227 

„ , Khitieh, 219 

„ , Kliudiran>, 115, 230 

„ , Khudiram (Principal), 164 

„ , K. P., 192 

„ , Nani, 182 

„ . Saikswar, 186, 188; 192, 205 



Bose, Satis, 15 

„ , Satyendra Nsth, 39, 213 
„ , Shyaxn Sundar, 167-36, 198 
„ , Sudhin, 214 
„ , Surendia Mohan, 65 
„ , Subhas Chandra, 78, 156>62 
(Dr.) Briesse, 77 
Brett, 171 
Bux, Khuda, 210-11 

C!:jatterjeei Biren, 33-36, 116 
„ , Diaamiber, 171 

„ , Cyan (Dr.), 231 

«, , .Hiralal, 2^ 

„ , Jogeiulra Nath, 100 

„ , J. M., 100-104 

„ , Khagen, 227 

„ , Lalit Kumar, 164, 170 

„ , Sanukul, 213 

„ , Sukumair, 9Z 

> Sudarshan, 42 

Cacja, Madame, 5^60, 62. 72, 7S6, ^ 

Cavour, 97, 135 '* gg, 

Chaki, PrafuIIa, 115, 230 ^ Y., m 

Chakravarty, Abinash Chandra, 13 ^ 

„ , Anukul, 30, 324, 44, 

1^ 'Choudhury. Ban^ o3 

„ , Adw, 225-26 « > 

„ , Bejoy, 219 ” ■ ^ 

„ , Chandra Kanta» 65, 79, •• > Khitist m 

_.145..194-%’ ' . ^ 

Qioudhury, Bankim^ 53 

„ , Debendia Naith, 56, 214 

„ , Jogesh Chandja, 227 

„ , Khitish, 219 

„ , Ramesh, 30 

, Dhireiidra Nath, Devi, 227 

Clarke, Sue, 197 

Hari Kumar 160 172 - 203 

73. 11^^67.10 li,as;eland, 90. 132-34, 142 198, 204, 
203 ’ ^ 

Jogendra, 33v 111 ^0 

Kedar Nath, 206 ^ley, 41 

Makhan Lai, 187, 193 ^raig, J(^ L, IK 
Manasha 28 Curzoti (Lord), 22^30 


Jogendia, 33, 111 
Kedar Nath, 206 
Makhan Lai. 187, 193 
Manasha, 28 
Manindra Nath, 185, 
Nagen, 219 

Phani, 172, 183. 185, 
201^, 204, 215 

ily, F. C, 24 

Satis, 20MI, 203. 213, Das, Ashu, 177, 182 


SriA, 41, 76 
9ur^, % 40. 48 

„ , Basdnta. 51 
„ , C. R., 12, 44 

, Ddjendra Nadi, 168-69 

Trailokya Nath, 27, 29- , Hem Chandra, 21-22, 75 

30, 33, 36 „ , J. C. 160 

30, 33, 36 „ , J. C. 160 

Chand, Amir, 102, 107-08, 112, 120, „ , Jamna, 127 

136-37 , Khagen, 47-50 

„ , Rabi, 88 „ , K/C., 159 

„ , Ram, 144 „ , Lala Arnar. 101 

„ , Tara, 101 „ , Pulin Behan, 16, 23-25. 27, 29, 

Chatterjee, Ah'ndra Nath, 168, 225, 229 

231 „ , Puma, 34. 176, 183 

„ , Amarendra Nath, 36, 38- „ , Rajmohon, 225-26 

40, 1064». 118-19, 141, „ , Ram, 34 
173, 176-77, 180-81. 187. „ , Raih Saran, 125, 129 
190-91, 193. 199-200, „ , Thakur, 18M9 

212, 219-20 „ , Tarak Nath. 61-62. ( 

„ , Bahk'm Chandra, 226 144-45 

„ , Tarak Nath. 61-62. 65, 79, 83, 

Basanta Kumar, 34, 36, Das Guipta, Adiutosh, 29 

163, 215 

Bhda Nadi, 182, 198, 
2004)1, 212, 215 

, Biren, 82, 84 
» Gyaxiendra Chandra, 77 
, Nillohit, 229 



Das Oupta^ Niisn, ISO, 208, 211 
^ , Pkoibodh, 36 

Datta, Anin Chandra, 39 * 

„ I AditySi, 34 

„ , Benoy. 177, 182, 193, 201, 
215, 217 

„ , Bfaabani Ftasad, 30 
„ , Bhupendra Naith, 13, 15, 17- 
18, 56, 78-80. 82, 88, 238, 

„ , Dwijadas, 226 
„ , Hari Anukul. 193 
„ , Haxidas, 47-52, 56, 229 
„ j Hem Chandra. 126 
„ , Jugal Kishore, 56, 220 
„ , Kanal Lai, 38^. 115 
„ , Nageii, 30, 34. 54. 128, 136, 

, Nalin Chandra, 112 
, Pnamatha Nath. 85. 87, 242 
, Ram Bhuj, 72 
, Sachin, 1& 

, Surcsh Chandra, 41-42 112 
, Ullaskar, 21-22, 228-29 
Datta Gupta, Biren, 170-71 
Davidson, 144 
Dayananda, STrami, 111 
De, Hari Chaitanya, 37 
, Lai Mohan^ 33 
, Mahendra Naithi. Ill 
, Probhas Chandra, 169. 184, 225- 
26, 231 

, Ramieswar, 53 
, Satis, 51, 226-28 
Tinkari, 169, 225-26 
Deb, Hadpada, 33 , 

Debi, Dukmi, 52, 56 
, , Sri Ma Sarada, 165 
Denham, 24, 31, 41. 43, 109, 117, 120, 
161, 175, 188-91. 193, 198, 205 
210-11 , 

Desai, G. L., 58 
Deshmnde, 74 

Deu^ar, *Sakharam Ganesh. 13, 39 
De Valera, 216 
Devoy, 242 

Dhar, Bhujanga Bhusan. 51-52, 225-26 
Dhingra. Madan Lai, 72. 115 
Dixon, 224 

Dyal, Lala Har, 65-67,, 72. 79, 89, 
101-02, 241-42 


EUis, T. P., 125 

F I 

Fcrguason, James, 188-89 I 

Foster, Lamexice, 139 

Fraser, Andrewi 22 
Freeman, George, 60^1, 216, 241-42 
Fuji'mra, Major, 152 
Fulchand, 53 


Gandhi, Mahaitma, 67, 157, 169|, 233 
Ganguli, Bipin BeLiari, 47, 51-2, 168- 
69, 175, 181, 283, 165, 201, 

, Khirode. 106 

«. , Pratul Qiandra, 24, 27, 30, 

33-4, 105, 116, 118-19, 176- 

, Radhika, 213 

,. , Ranen, 52. 168^69, 226, 227, 


. , S. N., 99 

Garibaldi, 226 
Gha^ak, Nibaran. 52 
Ghosal. Jatindra Nath, 203 
Ghose, Ashutosh, 200 
„ , AuiTobindo!, 4-6, 9-14. 23, 39- 
44, 97, 104 119, 162, 164, 
169, 230, 237 
, , Atul Chandia, 99-100 
,. , Atul Krishna, 35, 129, 167, 
172-76. 181-82. 215 219-220 
„ , Barindra Kumar, 11-14, 16^ 
21-221 38, 101, 229 
„ , Bknan^ 48, 227 
„ , Bhupati, 219 
„ , Bhupen, 213 
„ , Charu, 46, 167 
„ , Charu Chandra (Dr.) 101 
„ , Debendra Kumar, 33 
„ , Gunin, 207 

„ , Hem Chandra, 50-51, 1521, 
161, 228-32 

„ , Jatindra Md'ian, 36 
»» » Jyoitish Chandra, 38, 41 
„ , Kamini Mchan, 219 
„ , Krishna Dhan (Dr.), 21 
„ , Nalim Kanta, 30 32, 34, 36 
128, 212-13, 220 
„ , Nripendra Nath, 34 42 
„ , Paresh Naith, 229-30 
„ , Patit Paban. 176, 163 
„ , Sagar Kali, 42; 136 
„ , Sailen, 216, 229 
„ , Sisir, 36 

, Srish Clhandra. 31 37, 39^1, 
43, 53. 102, 104-06 110 112, 
118, 120 135, 145, 160^1,. 
176, 181 

„ , Sunil Chandra, 110 
Ghose Choudhurv. Naren 48, 52^ 174,^ 
183-85, 201, 213 



Gin, Bholananda, 165 
<kiho* Aisbica Cbaniin, 165 
r » K^etra Charaxi, 165 
Gordon, 111 

Gossain, Narendra Nath, 39 
Gosi7aini, Biamswar, US, 140 
Grifi&thai 191 

Guhai,. Kedareswar, 127-28 
„ , Nalini Kishore, 106-07, 116 
128, 177-78 
„ , Prafijlla,, 229 
„ , Rajent 229 

Guha Roy, Nagendra Kumar, 40 
, , NikhI!, 174. 213 
Gupta, Heramba Lai, 79, 142 203 
ti » Jagait, 4S 51 

„ , Manoranjan, 186, 213-14 


Hafiz, AbduJ 79 

Haidar, BMuti Bhusan, 122-23, 126 
136, 140 

„ , Jibantara, 15 

„ , Nircdei 1S4 

Halliday, Frederidq 68 
Hampa AH Bey Badi. 80-82 
Hardinge, Lord 104-06, 107, 110-11, 
163, 234 
Hare, 19 

Harrison, M,> 106, 115 
Haq, A. K. Fazlal. 222 
Hazra, Amrita, 31i 107, 118 176-77 
„ > Sasanka Mohan, 117 

Helfferichi Theodore, 186, 197, 199, 
204, 219 

Hetitig, Vonj S9, 91 
Himmatanka. Prabhoadaval, 53 
Hugfies-Buller R. 31 53-4, 198 
Htmp^eys, R, 68 
Husaaan, Ismail, 83 


Ichiro) Hayashi, 144 
Irvine, A. A.. 125 
Iwakura, 154 


.fabbar, AbduV 83 
Jackson, 58. 74. 76 
Jdbaon. Fred. 195-97 
Jinli^ M. A., 159 


Kanher, Anant Lakshman, 74 
Kanjilal, Amaiesh, 167 
, Hridiikesh, 38 

Kaple, V. R., 126-27^ 131, 213 
Kapur, Shiib Dayal, 92-96;, 199 
Kar, Nalini Kanta, 167-66, 172-7% 
185«, 190,. 192; 2CA 204. 207- 
08. 219-21 

, Surendra Naith|. 66 
K^uani, Khan, 61 
Karandlkar, 77 
Karmakan Bhola, 53 
« , Satya. 53 

Karve, 74 
Kaviraj, Anaith, 49 
Kavyatirtha) Haren, 213 
KaT7abata-ko, 45 
Kennedy, 165 

Ker J. C., 21, 26-6. 58, 65, 68, 70, 
93-4, 179, 196-97, 199, 208. 215 
Kerr, Dhananjay. 160 
Kersasp, Chanji. 77-S 80, 85, 88 
•Khan, Jihan, 87 

„ , Liaqat Hyat, 131 
, , Na-wab., 124 

, Nut, 46 

Khankhoje, Pandurang S., 85-88 

Khudadad. 101 

Kilby, 210 

Kingsford, 22-3 

Kressenstein, Kress Von, 83 

Kumar, G. D,, 62, 65 


Lahiri, J. N., 66. 7% 180. 181 
, Probihas, 36 
Lai, Bhajan. 189 
. , Ciiraniit, 102 
, Govind, 68 
Latta, Rishikesh, 85 
Layard, 188 
Lossow, Vonv 81 
Luxhurg, Count Von, 44 


MacMunn, Lt. General George, 96- 

Mahajan. Jodh Singh, 92 
Mahajani (Mr.), 221 
Maitra, Haridas. 36 
, Kali. 36 

Majumdar, Bhupati, 215-16 
„ , .Tvotish, 157 

, Nibaran Chandra, 170 
, R. C.. 210 
„ , Sumati, 30 

„ , Suresh Oiandra, 167, 170 

, Tarini, 37, 56 

MalHdc, Subodh Chandra. 1% 45, 227! 
Mandal, Kunja Bdxari, 97 



Jkiaung, C. P. Khtiv 30 
„ . U. Tin, 30 

Mairatbe, N. S., 77-79 
Maw,, Dr. Ba, 30 
Mazzini, 97, ^ 

Mebta, Pherozshah, 9 
Miai^ Mmuddin, 229 
Minta 19 

Nag, Bejoy„ 41 
Nag, Cbandi C, 30 
Nag Mahasay, S^dhu, 226 
Nalk, Khandhoo Bhai Kmnaiji, 65 
„ , Manindrai Nath, 41-42, 112, 

Nandy, India Nath, 225-26 
Narain, Sheo, 125 
Naskar, Adlw, 65 

Mitter, J. N.. 40-41 

„ . IWtha Nath, 12, 15. HI, 115, 137 

x*-. n ■ ^io - • Kedar, 85, 88 

Mitra, Bejoy, 2iZ ^jNdiru, Ja-waharlal, 148-49k 157 

, Jatindra JL^chan, 160 201, 222Neilsoi A., 141, 218 

„ , Jnan, 167 
„ , Nibajran,,. 227 
„ , Srish, 47-51 
„ , Sukumar, 40 

Mokand. Bal,'l02, 106, 112, 115 
Montagu, 223 
Moore, Stevenson, 41 
Morley, 5 
Morsh^, 41 

Mukherjee, Abani Nath, 141-42 

Nelson, H. C., 197 
Neogi, Ashuto^, 42 
Niv^ta, Sister,, 12. 166 
Nixon, J. C, 32-36, 214 

Obedullah, Maulvi, 90 
O* Brien, 47 
O' Dwyer, Michael, 130 
Ohkawa, Syumei,, 142 
Ohsawa, J. G.. 106 

, Sir Ashuto^ 227 

, Basanta^ 37 F 

, Binode Behari, 146 

, Dhana Gopal, 191, 204 Page,, W. A., 195 
, Had Charan, 101 Pakrasi, Satis, 25, 128 

, Haridas, 10, 12, 16, 169 Pal,, Biiwn Chandra 4, 23, 72 
, Jadugppal, 35, 52, 101, „ , Jyotish, 207, 211 
119, 164, 173-177, 180- , Nikunja, 36-37 

63. 186. 186, 191, 192 , Srish, 46-52, 229, 231-32 

199, 200. 201-203, 205, Papen, Von, 194 
212, 213, 215 217, 218, Paradkar, Baburami, 39 
220,. 221 Pararcanandai,, 125 

, Kalijada, 126 »_ 

Kanti 51 Pasha, Enver, 80-82, 85 

,’ Krishiia Pada, 225 „ - . - ® , 

, KunKd, 182, 199 ^ 

, Nani Gopal, 41 Pathak, Sohan Lai, 92 98 

, Naliri Mohan, 118, 123 ^. PeshwarL 'Chandra, 67-68, 70-71 

126, 1S6 
, Padbati, 227 

Petrie, D., 68. 143, 144, 217 
Phalak. Lai Chand, 101 

., Pritfwrikdra Nath, 164 ,„,o 

^anifkph ^ Pillai, Champdc Raman, 77-78 

:: : 217 

” ’ IS cfflr m ^ PrSaS’ Chanm. 176. 183 

187- Pra^. Sufi ^,87-88, 108 
loft Tno Pratap. ‘Ra.ia Mahendra, 89 

189, 193 PwRinn IQS 

„ . S^e* Cha^ imSS Sffiar. M. G., 79 

, Ucnai, 10, 12, 18, 169 Puri, Ram Nath, 61 
Murphy, 166 „ , Swami Sat^juidia, 151 


W IMt Molhan Brindaban, 184 
a, , Mansur^ 77, 80-S2 Sahiix Nana, 76 

Rai, ^ L^^t, 4, 72, 75* 101, 142Saiiu, Chintamoni, 209 

Rakshit, Jatindra Moim 161 
Bern, Oidliah, 93 
„ , Kasha, 66 
„ , Kirpa, 93 

„ , Mun^, 66 I 

RaiKu S. R, 72 74-76 ! 

Ranade, M. G., 9 i 

Rand, 11, 57 J 

Rao, Sambhaav, 78 
Ray, P. C.. 231-32 < 

Ridout, Maijor General I>, 95 I 

Roy, Ananda Chandra, 230 I 

„ , Ananda Mohan, 20H | 

„ , Amar, 53, 161 ! 

„ , Ashutoeh, 48, 123 > 

„ , Aswini Lai, 173, 203 ! 

„ , Baladev, 166-67 I 

„ , Bankinj, 227 | 

„ , Benov Chandra, 163, 165, 169,- 
172 i 

„ , BIhabatarar., 207, 208 * 

Salimullah, 230 
Salkdd, 230 
Sandow, 165 

Sanyal, Khitis Chandra, 167, 166, 172^ 

I „ , Sadiindra Naitlh, 30, 54, 116- 

! 120, 122-127, 132, 136^7 

Sapui, Kishori Mchan, 46 
Sarbadhikarj« Kanak, 168-169 
„ , Sure^ Prasad, 167 

Saikar Anuita, 32-34. 212 
1 , B. K., 149, 157. 179 

I „ , Dhiren, 77-79, 127, 179 

j „ , Naren) 213 

! „ , Nirjharini, 52, 183 

i „ , Satis. 166, 169, 170 

Sarma, Amin, 85 
Savarkar, Bal, 154 
i i , Ganesh, 21, 57-58 
,1 , V. D. , 21, 57-59, 72-74. 

i 76, 158-160 

Saw, U., 30 

Bejoy Krishnai, 124, li86, 198 Sawartwala, T. G., 58 

„ , Cham Chandra, 38 
„ , Debi Prasad. 167. 169, 204 
„ , Durga Prasanna„ 214 
„ , Gopen, 172 

„ , Jatin, 169, 172, 174, 203 
, J. N, 171 
, J<^gaTianda, 207 
„ , K^idaa, 207 
„ , Manindra Nath, 32, 36 
„ , Motilal. 3Q, 38-40. 42-45, 53, 
104-106, 108, 109, 112, 116. 
118. 119, 127, 173. 176, 181, 
183. 221 

„ , Nilmoni, 222 
„ , Ninnal Kanta, 34, 116 
„ , Phanindra Nath, 167-68 
„ , Kumar, 60 
„ , Rati Lai, 23 
, Sambhu, 207 
„ , Satis Chandra. 77-78 
„ , Somendra Naith. 140, 146 
, Srish. 227 
„ , Sudha Kanta, 158 
„ , Suresh, 229 
Roy Choudhiiry, Atin, 36 

Sdiadc, E. H. Von, 197 
Schweinta, 179 
Seigne, 141 
Seeley, 226 
Sen, Atiul, 185 , 

„ , Bhubaneswar, 225 
, , Biren, 117 
„ , Dhirendra Nath, 203 
„ , Ke^iaib Chandra, 206 

, Makhan Lai, 30, 117, 118, 173,. 

,, , Nagen. 25 
, Nani Gopal, 167 

„ , Naren, 27. 30 34. 127, 229^ ^ 
„ , Rabindra Mohan. 33, 116, 178 
„ , Satin, 213 

, Satis 176, 179, 181-82, 207 
,. , Satyen, 34. 124 
„ , Suiya, 7 
, , Srish Chandra, 78 
, Sushil. 184. 185 

Sot Gupta; Manoranjan, 174-176,. 

2C8, 211 _ 

Seth, Damodar Swamp, 126, 127 

rV <3wiidW. Atin, 36 Sh^sZi^r^O 

„ „ , ChSttapriya, 55, Harsh Chacdra. 47, 52, 169,. 

164, 186. '307,. 208, lg6, 225 231-32 

211 pingh, Amar, 125 129. 151, 182 

Rutherford Sergeant, 210, 211 ,. , Bahraint, 65. 70 



Bfaarati 202 

„ , Bha^van, 67, 68, 70, .71, 

„ , Bhup, 128 
„ . Oiait, 85. 68 
ff * Gurdit, 68 
„ , Haraaaa, 65, 92-93, 186 
, Jodh, 79 
,, , Kisaen, 101 

, Kartar, 70, 125, 128, 132 
, Kripal 130, 131 
„ , Mula, 124, 125. 129 
. Mohon, 152-154 
„ , Manasa, 202 
, Narain, 92, 93 
„ , Narinjan, 93 
. Nidhan, 124, 125 
, Pala, 93 
„ , Pratap, 226 
„ , Raja, 68 
,, , Sirdair Ajit, 101, 103 
,, , Sirdar Mtam, 152 

„ , STdar Puran, 99, 102 

„ , Sohan, 65, 70 

„ , Sudia, 1S2 

„ , Udham, 124 

Sinhai Jycftish. 112, 136, 136 
Smedley, Agnc^, 216 
Soma, Aizo. 143 
ScMnerville. Lt 166 
Starr-Hunt, 196. 196 
Su, Thakkin U, 30 . 

Sur, Tribeni 214 
Suldankar. Bishnu, 77 
Sushila Delhi, 97 
S^mi Ramar.anda, 207-08 
Swinhce, 171 

Tagore, Gaeanendra Nath, 13 
„ , Kali Krishna, 99 

Tagore, PrafuUa Nath, 99 
141 T , Preo Nath, 135, 140, 143 ^ ^ 

„ Rabindra Nath, 136, 146-49, 

, Surendra Nath, 12 
Thakur„ Sahib. 10 
Thakur, Satia, 219 
Tausdier, Hans, 194 
Tegart, 35, 44, 47, 50-51i 12(J, 205, 
212-13, 220. 222 
Tilak, 4, 9, 11, 57 
Tojo, General, 151 
Toyana, M. , 143, 146 
Trotzky, 216 

jTumer, Major J. W. , 113 

|upadhyay, Brahniabandhab, 229 

Vakil, Pandit Jagat Narain, 221 
Vanna,. C. K* ^7 

„ , Krishna, 72, 76, 77 

Vidyabhusan, Jogendra Nath, 1^1^ 
Vivekananda, Swaonci, 60, 165, ZZo-^t/ 


Wassmuss, 35 

Wehde. 206 ^ ^ ju 

Wesendonk, Baron Von, 79 62, 84, 

Wmiams, Musprattja, 

Wilson, PreNdent, 223, 243 
Wyllie, W. Curzon, 73 

Zade, Sayed Taki. 87 

Zugunayer, Dr. Erich, 241 




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